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Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,742 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 1,016 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 996 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 516 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 274 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 180 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 172 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 164 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 142 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 130 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Alabama (Alabama, United States) or search for Alabama (Alabama, United States) in all documents.

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iver, and all jurisdiction over this. And it was presumed, at the close of the war, that North Carolina and Georgia would promptly make similar concessions of the then savage regions covered by their respective charters, now known as Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi. Though the war was practically concluded by the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, October 19, 1781, and though the treaty of peace was signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, the British did not evacuate New York till Novembeof the territory, ceded already, or to be ceded, by individual States to the United States, specifying that such territory extends from the 31st to the 47th degree of north latitude, so as to include what now constitutes the States of Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, but which was then, and remained for some years thereafter, unceded to the Union by North Carolina and Georgia. This entire territory, ceded and to be ceded, was divided prospectively by the Ordinance into embryo States, to wh
mber, 1789--one month after ratifying the Federal Constitution — passed an act ceding, on certain conditions, her western territory — now constituting the State of Tennessee--to the Federal Union. She exacted and required Congress to assent to this, among other conditions: Provided always, that no regulation made, or to be made, by Congress, shall tend to emancipate slaves. Georgia, likewise, in ceding to the Union (April 2, 1802) her outlying territories, now forming the States of Alabama and Mississippi, imposed upon the Union, and required Congress to accede to, the following condition: Fifthly. That the territory thus ceded shall become a State, and be admitted into the Union as soon as it shall contain sixty thousand inhabitants, or at an earlier period, if Congress shall think it expedient, on the same conditions and restrictions, with the same privileges, and in the same manner, as is provided in the ordinance of Congress of the 13th day of July, 1787, for the gove
are now included within the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama. With those tribes, treaties were from time to time made by our Government, wded, on certain conditions, her western territory, now composing the States of Alabama and Mississippi, to the Union. Among these conditions, our Government undertoattempting to erect an independent government within the limits of Georgia and Alabama, ringing all possible changes on the falsehood, and gravely quoting from the Cis view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenerect an independent government within the limits of the States of Georgia and Alabama. And Colonel Benton, in his Thirty years view, says (vol. i., p. 164), ern tribes in their attempt to set up an independent government within the State of Alabama and Georgia. Both these gentlemen well knew--Colonel Benton could not
r having the character of, Abolition societies. Resolutions, similar in spirit and demand, were adopted by the Legislatures of South Carolina, North Carolina, Alabama, and doubtless other Slave States. to which was now added the annihilation of Northern prosperity and consequence through a retributive withdrawal of Southern tradescribed by Henry A. Wise as made up of Dupont's best [Gunpowder], and cold steel. Let your emissaries cross the Potomac, writes the Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to The Emancipator, and I can promise you that your fate will be no less than Haman's. At a public meeting convened in the church in the town of Clinton, MissiMessrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Illinois, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Linn, McKean, Morris, Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall
nt in '32, and as President in '36. Virginia, Alabama, and Missouri also supported Mr. Van Buren. Gblication of this letter, the Legislatures of Alabama, of Mississippi, and probably of other Southwamian published a letter from Mr. Clay to two Alabama friends, who had urged him to make a further es, and I have since addressed two letters to Alabama upon the same subject. Most unwarranted alleither of the two letters which I addressed to Alabama, to express any contrary opinion. Representansylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Indiana, Illinois, M Up to the appearance of Mr. Clay's luckless Alabama letter, he seemed quite likely to carry every-Milton Brown, of Tennessee; James Dellet, of Alabama; Duncan L. Clinch and Alexander Stephens, of ertain. Mr. Bagby, a Democratic Senator from Alabama, positively declared from his seat that he woy of the slaveholders of southern Georgia and Alabama, whose chattels would persist in following ea[1 more...]
, and her outlying territories, it might fairly be argued, inherited her domestic institutions; Alabama and Mississippi were, in like manner, constructively slaveholding at the outset, by virtue of te Senate, then in the last hours of the session. On its being taken up, Mr. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama (a close adherent of Mr. Calhoun), moved that the Proviso aforesaid be stricken out; whereupon here in defiance of Congress or any local authority, was submitted by Mr. William L. Yancey, of Alabama, in the following guise: Resolved, That the doctrine of noninterference with the rights of ready for such strong meat, and this resolve was rejected: Nays 216; Yeas 36--South Carolina 9; Alabama 9; Georgia 9; Arkansas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National en Slave States should cast their votes for the Whig candidate for President, leaving Virginia, Alabama, and Mississippi to be carried against him by the very leanest majorities, was not the entertai
here exists within any portion of the territory acquired by us from Mexico. He holds a directly contrary opinion to mine, as he has a perfect right to do; and we will not quarrel about that difference of opinion. Messrs. William R. King, of Alabama, Downs, of Louisiana, and Butler, of South Carolina, swelled the chorus of denunciation. They could see nothing in Mr. Clay's proposition that looked like compromise; nothing but concession and surrender of all the rights of the South in the teand composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickinson, of N. Y., Phelps, of Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of Pa., Downs, of La., King, of Ala., Mangum, of N. C., Mason, of Va., Bright, of Ind. Mr. Clay reported May 8th. from said Committee a recommendation, substantially, of his original proposition of compromise, save that he now provided for organizing Utah as a distinc
e triumph — the vote being the largest ever yet polled, and Mr. Foote elected by over 1,000 Foote, 28,738; Davis, 27,729. majority. The rest of the Union State ticket, with a strongly Union Legislature, succeeded by still larger majorities. Alabama, likewise, chose a Union Legislature, and a Union majority of Congressmen. Louisiana, this year, elected a Whig Auditor and Legislature — meaning much the same thing. And even South Carolina--having been summoned by her chieftains (Mr. Calhoun Cass 78; Mr. Buchanan 28; and Mr. Douglas 32, with 8 scattering. On the forty-eighth, Gen. Pierce received 55, and on the next 232 votes-being all that were cast but six--and was declared the candidate. For Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama, received 126 on the first ballot, to 174 scattered among nine rivals; and on the second ballot he had 277 to 11 for Jefferson Davis, and was nominated. This Convention, beside reaffirming the more essential propositions of its three predeces
d Shields, of Illinois; Dodge (A. C.) and Jones, of Iowa; Walker, of Wisconsin; Hunter and Mason, of Virginia; Pratt, of Maryland; Badger, of North Carolina; Butler and Evans, of South Carolina; Dawson, of Georgia; Fitzpatrick and C. C. Clay, of Alabama; Adams and Brown, of Mississippi; Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Morton, of Florida; Houston and Rusk, of Texas; Dixon, of Kentucky; Bell and Jones, of Tennessee; Atchison, of Missouri; Sebastian and Johnson, of Arkansas; Gwin and Weller, otate leaders, in Lawrence, which suspended the feud for the present. The Missourians dispersed, and the troubled land once more had peace. In the Spring of 1856, the pro-Slavery party on the Kansas border were reenforced by Col. Buford, from Alabama, at the head of a regiment of wild young men, mainly recruited in South Carolina and Georgia. They came in military array, armed, and with the avowed purpose of making Kansas a Slave State at all hazards. On one of their raids into Kansas, a p
nt, to protect and enforce, is the property of the master in his slave; no other right of property is placed by the Constitution upon the same high ground, nor shielded by a similar guarantee. There is much more of this, but the above must suffice. Mr. Daniel, pushing his doctrines to their legitimate result, pronounces the Ordinance of ‘87 only equal in constitutionality and validity with the Missouri Restriction — that is to say, essentially null and void. Mr. Justice Campbell, of Alabama, followed with a general assent to the views of Chief Justice Taney. Mr. Justice Catron, of Tennessee, concurs with Justice Nelson, that Dred Scott has no right to freedom, at the hands of this court, on the ground of his two years residence in Illinois; but he dissents from the Chief Justice's notion that the power over the territories, expressly given to Congress by the Constitution, has no force or application beyond the territory possessed by us when that Constitution was framed. In
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