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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 310 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 94 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 40 0 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 40 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 38 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 36 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 28 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 6. (ed. Frank Moore) 26 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 26 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 24 0 Browse Search
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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Origin of the late war. (search)
n attitude of virtual resistance to the laws of the United States. When Mr. Toombs, in the Senate of the United States, during the session in which he withdrew from that body, referred to these laws and taxed the free States with their violations of constitutional obligation, in evidence of which he produced these statutes, it was pitiful to hear the excuses by which the representatives of these States sought to squirm out of the difficulty — a difficulty for which the executives of Ohio and Iowa would scarcely have cared to apologize, if it be true, as doubtless it is, as Lunt states, that at a somewhat later period those officers refused to surrender to justice persons charged with participation in the John Brown raid --see note, p. 320. At the era of secession the constitution had not only ceased to be a palladium for these rights of secession, but was hardly recognized to be binding at all. If, then, this instrument was to be relied upon by the slave States to protect them, it
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., Organization of the two governments. (search)
Assis't Surgeon John de Bree. Medicine and Surgery Surgeon W. A. W. Spotswood. Governors of the States during the War. Union States California Governor John G. Downey (1860-1) Governor Leland Stanford (1861-3) Governor Frederick F. Low (1863-8) Connecticut Governor William A. Buckingham (1858-66) Delaware Governor William Burton (1859-63) Governor William Cannon (1863-7) Illinois Governor Richard Yates (1861-5) Indiana Governor Oliver P. Morton (1861-7) Iowa Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood (1860-4) Governor William M. Stone (1864-8) Kansas Governor Charles Robinson (1861-3) Governor Thomas Carney (1863-5) Maine Governor Israel Washburn, Jr. (1861-3) Governor Abner Coburn (1863-4) Governor Samuel Cony (1864-7) Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew (1861-6) Michigan Governor Austin Blair (1861-4) Governor Henry H. Crapo (1865-9) Minnesota Governor Alexander Ramsey (1859-63) Governor Stephen
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 1: the political Conventions in 1860. (search)
pril, 1860. The Hall was densely crowded. A vote was first taken on Butler's resolution. It was rejected by a decisive majority. The minority report — the Douglas platform — which had been slightly modified, was now offered by B. M. Samuels, of Iowa. It was adopted by a handsome majority. In the Convention now, as in the Committee, the voices of Oregon and California, Free-labor States, were with those of the Slave-labor States. Preconcerted rebellion now lifted its head defiantly. The urbanity of manner, was chosen temporary president of the Convention. Credentials of delegates were called for, when it was found that almost one-third of all the States were unrepresented. The States not represented were California, Florida, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Oregon, South Carolina, and Wisconsin--ten in all. Toward evening, after a recess, Governor Hunt was elected permanent President. When the subject of a platform was proposed, Leslie Coombs, o
s voting for it. On motion of Mr. Curtis, of Iowa, the bill was so amended as to give the Preside The amendment was rejected. Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, proposed to amend the bill by adding: In seleced Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, and Mr. Rice, of Minnesota, conferees. In tThe resolution was agreed to. Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, on the twenty-third of December, offered the ftee of conference, and appointed Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Phelps, o In the House, on the sixteenth, Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, made a report from the conference committee, aent, and Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, Mr. Harlan, of Iowa, and Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota, opposed it. f Mr. Stevens, was taken up, and Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, moved to amend it by adding a proviso: That norence, and the Speaker appointed Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, Mr. Holman, of Indiana, and Mr. Davis, of New-n the twenty-second of February, Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, reported it without amendment. Does the gentl[7 more...]
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army, Chapter I (search)
r the West Point Bible class dismissed from the Academy without trial intercession of Stephen A. Douglas restoration to Cadet duty James B. McPherson John B. Hood Robert E. Lee. I was born in the town of Gerry, Chautauqua County, New York, September 29, 1831. My father was the Rev. James Schofield, who was then pastor of the Baptist Church in Sinclairville, and who was from 1843 to 1881 a home missionary engaged in organizing new churches, and building meeting-houses, in Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri. My mother was Caroline McAllister, daughter of John McAllister of Gerry. We removed to Illinois in June, 1843, and, after a short stay in Bristol, my father made a new home for his family in Freeport, where he began his missionary work by founding the First Baptist Church of that place. In all my childhood and youth I had what I regard as the best possible opportunities for education, in excellent public schools where the rudiments of English were taught with great thorou
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Abolition. (search)
in 1780, in Rhode Island and Connecticut in 1784, in New York in 1799, and in New Jersey in 1804. Abolition of slavery in the Northwest Territory, north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi, including the present States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and part of Minnesota, was secured by the Ordinance of 1787. In 1807, Congress passed an act for the abolition of the slave-trade on Jan. 1, 1808. Slavery in part of the Louisiana Purchase, including the present States of Iowa, Oregon, Kansas, Nebraska, part of Colorado, and part of Minnesota, was abolished by the Missouri compromise (q. v..), whose validity was rejected by the Supreme Court (see Dred Scott decision); but the provision for abolition was embodied in the constitutions of these States as they were severally admitted. In course of tine gradual abolition took effect in the States which had adopted it by statute, and in 1850 slavery as an institution had practically disappeared from them. Slavery was f
epublican states are like the sheaves in the harvest field. Put them up singly, and every gust blows them down; stack them together, and they defy all the winds of heaven. [Tumultuous applause.] And so you have seen that these thirteen republican states all came to the conviction, each of them that it could not stand alone; and the thirteen came together, and you have seen other states added to them. The state of Michigan, the state of Indiana; of Illinois, the state of Wisconsin, the state of Iowa and the state of Louisiana--what under heaven kept each of these states from setting up for itself and becoming independent? Nothing, but that it could not stand alone. And they are ready to be united to other republican states on this continent. So it was with Texas. She was independent. Why did she not remain so? You know how much it tried us to admit her into the Union; but it tried her much harder to stay out as long as she did. Why is not Kansas content to remain out? Simply
the laws of the General Government, have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from the service of labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complier more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own laws and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the constitutional compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States; and
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Book III (continued) (search)
probably be discovered in the general development of the intellectual conditions of the day. It is clear that with the end of the Civil War the historical societies of the Atlantic States had passed out of their dubious phase of existence and had begun to exercise the important influence they have lately had in support of history. Beyond the Alleghanies we find trace of the same awakening. State historical societies were established in Ohio in 1831, in Wisconsin and Minnesota in 1849, in Iowa in 1857, in Kansas in 1875, in Nebraska in 1878, and in Illinois and Missouri in 1899. Besides these state societies were several important privately projected societies: as the Chicago Historical Society, founded in 1855, and the Missouri Historical Society established in 1886. Within the latter part of the period under discussion the creation of societies has proceeded rapidly throughout the country. Among the men who made this growth possible no one stands higher than Lyman Copeland D
ed, 51,500. In the last months of the war a bounty of $1,010 was sometimes paid for a single seaman. Soley, p. 10. The official statistics show that of this vast addition to the numbers of the navy Massachusetts contributed a larger share than any State except New York; indeed, nearly 20,000, or nearly one-fifth of the whole number. Total number of sailors and marines furnished by the States:— Connecticut,2,163 Delaware,94 District of Columbia,1,353 Illinois,2,224 Indiana,1,078 Iowa,5 Kentucky,314 Maine,5,030 Maryland,3,925 Massachusetts,19,983 Michigan,498 Minnesota,3 Missouri,151 New Hampshire,882 New Jersey,8,129 New York,35,164 Ohio,3,274 Pennsylvania,14,307 Rhode Island,1,878 Vermont,619 Wisconsin,133 Total,101,207 (Official statement from the Adjutant-General's office, July 15, 1885; Heitman's Historical Register of the U. S. Army, p. 890.) Phisterer, an able statistician, claims, in his New York in the Civil War (p. 43), that the whole number servi
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