Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Kansas (Kansas, United States) or search for Kansas (Kansas, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 200 results in 40 document sections:

1 2 3 4
asion; but the dependence of the Crime against Kansas upon the Slave Power is so peculiar and importhree different heads: first, the Crime against Kansas, in its origin and extent; secondly, the Apolod this is the first stage in the Crime against Kansas. Lxix. This was speedily followed by otl Government, Slavery might be introduced into Kansas, quietly, but surely, without arousing conflic forcibly exercised the electoral franchise in Kansas. Lxxii. At last, in the latter days of ows of fellow-citizens building a new State in Kansas, and exposed to the perpetual assault of murde force or fraud in its election, the people of Kansas are effectually concluded, and the whole proce for the denial of all rights to the people of Kansas? All this I say on the supposition that the s War, or of Justice and Peace, which last bids Kansas, in conformity with past precedents and under ndependence, was opposed—like the petitions of Kansas—because that body was assembled without any re[80 more...]<
neuil Hall—November 2, 1855—one of his powerful speeches upon the usurpations of the Slave Oligarchy, which constitutes a fine introduction to the grandest, perhaps, of all his speeches, so soon to be delivered in the Senate, on the Crime against Kansas. He began by addressing these words to the vast multitude that packed the old hall: Are you for Freedom, or are you for Slavery? Under which King, Bezonian, speak or die! Are you for Freedom, with its priceless blessings, or are you for Slavero are we all knit together as a Plural Unit, that the great question which now disturbs and overshadows the whole country, becomes at once national and local, addressing itself alike to the whole Republic and to each constituent part. Freedom in Kansas, and our own Freedom here at home, are both assailed. They must be defended. There are honorable responsibilities belonging to Massachusetts, as an early and constant vindicator of Freedom, which she cannot renounce. If the trumpet give an unc
y obligation of honor, compact and good neighborhood—and in contemptuous disregard of the out-gushing sentiments of an aroused North, this timehonored Prohibition, in itself a Landmark of Freedom, was overturned, and the vast region, now known as Kansas and Nebraska, was opened to Slavery; and this was done under the disgraceful lead of Northern politicians, and with the undisguised complicity of a Northern President, forgetful of Freedom, forgetful also of his reiterated pledges, that during hiy, the Army and the Navy of the Republic in hunting a single slave through the streets of Boston, he could see the Constitution and laws, which he was sworn to protect, and those popular rights which he had affected to promote, all struck down in Kansas, and then give new scope to these invaders by the removal of the faithful Governor,—who had become obnoxious to the Slave Oligarchy because he would not become its tool,—and the substitution of another, who vindicated the dishonest choice by maki<
us energies of our Oligarchy. At this moment, while the country is pained by the heartless conspiracy against Freedom in Kansas, we are startled by another effort, which contemplates, not merely the political subjugation of the National Government, ee-fold cord of duty; first, as you would secure Freedom for yourselves; secondly, as you would uphold Freedom in distant Kansas; and thirdly, as you would preserve the Union in its early strength and integrity. The people of Kansas are, many of theKansas are, many of them, from Massachusetts—bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh; but as fellow-citizens under the Constitution, they are bound to us by ties which we cannot disown. Nay, more; by the subtle cord which connects this embryo settlement with the Republic, thde a part of us. The outrage which touches them touches us. What galls them galls us. The fetter which binds the slave in Kansas binds every citizen in Massachusetts. Thus are we prompted to their rescue, not only to save them, but also to save ours
ned principle, inspiring larger numbers, and showing itself first in an organized endeavor to resist the annexation of slaveholding Texas; next, to prohibit Slavery in newly acquired territories: and now, alarmed by the overthrow of all rights in Kansas, and the domination of the Slave Oligarchy throughout the Republic, it breaks forth in a stronger effort, a wider union, and a deeper channel inspiring yet larger numbers and firmer resolves, while opposite quarters contribute to its power—even ale for the wrong, there our duty begins. The object to which, as a party, we are pledged, is all contained in the acceptance of the issue which the Slave Oligarchy tenders. To its repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and its imperious demand that Kansas shall be surrendered to Slavery, we reply, that Freedom shall be made the universal law of all the national domain, without compromise, and that hereafter no Slave State shall be admitted into the Union. To its tyrannical assumption of supremacy
L. The Crime against Kansas, the most powerful of all Mr. Sumner's speeches, will always be associated with the infamous attempt to murder him in the Senate Chamber, two days after its delivery. In giving an account of the assault, we shall follow the relation of it by Vice-President Wilson, as it will appear in the second volume of his History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, for an early copy of which we are indebted to the friendship of the author. In addition to the well-known accuracy of Mr. Wilson as a public writer, he had the further advantage in this case, of being on the spot when this most cowardly act in the history of modern civilization, was perpetrated.
nt the realization of their cherished purposes. In Kansas the friends of freedom found that the pretended proffect. The border ruffian policy which was filling Kansas with alarm and bloodshed had its representatives ins state of popular feeling and during the debate on Kansas affairs that Mr. Sumner delivered, on the 19th and 20th of May, his speech on the Crime against Kansas. It was marked by the usual characteristics of his more ebject into three different heads: the Crime against Kansas in its origin and extent; the Apologies for the Crile proofs of its existence, and closed by comparing Kansas, to a gallant ship, voyaging on a pleasant summer sy, he thus closed: The contest, which, beginning in Kansas, reaches us, will be transferred soon from Congress: Even so the creature whose paws are fastened upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be, constitutes in realitynatical, and their opposition to the usurpations in Kansas an uncalculating fanaticism! Of the latter he sa
Lxii. In opening his great Speech—the Crime against Kansas—Mr. Sumner said, May 19th and 20th, 1856:— Mr. President,—You are now called to redress a great wrong. Seldom in the history of nations is such a question presented. Tariffs, army bills, navy bills, land bills, are important, and justly occupy your care; but these all belong to the course of ordinary legislation. As means and instruments only, they are necessarily subordinate to the conservation of Government itself. Grant constitutional liberty, where the safeguards of elections are justly placed among the highest triumphs of civilization, I fearlessly assert that the wrongs of much-abused Sicily, thus memorable in history, were small by the side of the wrongs of Kansas, where the very shrines of popular institutions, more sacred than any heathen altar, are desecrated,—where the ballot-box, more precious than any work in ivory or marble from the cunning hand of Art, is plundered,—and where the cry, I am an
of Slavery in the National Government. Yes, Sir, when the whole world, alike Christian and Turk, is rising up to condemn this wrong, making it a hissing to the nations, here in our Republic, force—ay, Sir, force—is openly employed in compelling Kansas to this pollution, and all for the sake of political power. There is the simple fact, which you will vainly attempt to deny, but which in itself presents an essential wickedness that makes other public crimes seem like public virtues. This en, stands the criminal, all unmasked before you, heartless, grasping, and tyrannical, with an audacity beyond that of Verres, a subtlety beyond that of Machiavel, a meanness beyond that of Bacon, and an ability beyond that of Hastings. Justice to Kansas can be secured only by the prostration of this influence: for this is the Power behind—greater than any President—which succors and sustains the Crime. Nay, the proceedings I now arraign derive their fearful consequence only from this connectio
ng this great matter, I am not insensible to the austere demands of the occasion; but the dependence of the Crime against Kansas upon the Slave Power is so peculiar and important that I trust to be pardoned while I impress it by an illustration which Serpent which in its innumerable folds encircled the whole globe. Even so the creature whose paws are now fastened upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be, constitutes in reality part of the Slave Power, which, with loathsome folds, is now coiled ad by your attention, I hope to present it clearly in all its parts, while I conduct you to the inevitable conclusion that Kansas must be admitted at once, with her present Constitution, as a State of this Union, and give a new star to the blue field ike Hercules, it will conquer just so soon as it is recognized. My task will be divided under three different heads: first, the Crime against Kansas, in its origin and extent; secondly, the Apologies for the Crime; and, thirdly, the true Remedy.
1 2 3 4