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of42 Brown, Rev. Joseph34 Bull Run, Battle of9 Bunker, Benjamin60 Bunker Hill73-99 Bunker Hill, Battle of14, 88, 89, 97 Bunker Hill Monument90 Burgoyne, Gen.86 Burnham, Nathan, Schoolmaster, 172765 Burr, Major John62 Burr, John Samuel, Jr.62 Burr, Rebecca62 Burr, Samuel, Schoolmaster, 170;62, 63 Burr, Sarah62 Byron, Lord31 Callendar, Captain John96 Cambridge, Mass.15, 82, 86, 88, 89, 91, 92, 96, 98 Camp Parole23 Canal Project, Result of49 Canal System, Plan of49 Canterbury, England16 Carlisle, Mass.52 Carr, Florence E.10 Carr, Martin L.22 Carter, John40 Carter, Sarah (Stowers)40 Castle William, Boston Harbor58, 59 Central Fire Station, Somerville42 Central Hill, Somerville2 Central Street, Somerville42 Charles, Duke of Orleans10 Charles River55, 86 Charlestown, Mass.78, 80 Charlestown, Bounds of15 Charlestown, Burning of14 Charlestown, Cemetery in15 Charlestown Church65 Charlestown Grammar School19 Charlestown, History of, Wyman19, 20, 61, 65
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Historical papers (search)
receded the revolution of 1688; the undisguised adherence of the king to the Church of Rome; the partial toleration of the despised Quakers and Anabaptists; the gradual relaxation of the severity of the penal laws against Papists and Dissenters, preparing the way for the royal proclamation of entire liberty of conscience throughout the British realm, allowing the crop-eared Puritan and the Papist priest to build conventicles and mass houses under the very eaves of the palaces of Oxford and Canterbury; the mining and countermining of Jesuits and prelates, are detailed with impartial minuteness. The secret springs of the great movements of the time are laid bare; the mean and paltry instrumentalities are seen at work in the under world of corruption, prejudice, and falsehood. No one, save a blind, unreasoning partisan of Catholicism or Episcopacy, can contemplate this chapter in English history without a feeling of disgust. However it may have been overruled for good by that Providenc
the imputation of lenity as a false accusation and malignant calumny of some incarnate, never-sleeping devil. It is true that the learned Grindal, who, during the reign of Mary, had lived in exile, and in 1576 was 1576. advanced to the see of Canterbury, was of a mild and gentle nature; and at the head of the English clergy, gave an example of reluctance to persecute. But having incurred the enmity of Elizabeth by his refusal to suppress the liberty of prophesying, he was suspended, and when d their avowal of their principle threatened to spoil all. To advance the dominions of England King James esteemed a good and honest motion; and fishing was an honest trade, the apostles' own calling; yet he referred the suit to the prelates of Canterbury and London. Even while the negotiations were pending, a royal declaration constrained the Puritans of Lancashire to conform or leave the kingdom; and nothing more could be obtained for the wilds of America than an informal promise of neglect.
treason in their general court to speak of appeals to the king; Hutchinson, i. 85. Hubbard, 354. and the greatest apprehensions were raised by a requisition which commanded the letters patent of the company to be produced in England. Winthrop, i. 135. 137. Hubbard, 153. Hazard, i. 341, 342. To this requisition the emigrants returned no reply. Still more menacing was the appointment of an arbitrary special commission for the colonies. The Chap X.} 1634 April 10. archbishop of Canterbury and those who were associated with him, received full power over the American plantations, to establish the government and dictate the laws; to regulate the church; to inflict even the heaviest punishments; and to revoke any charter which had been surreptitiously obtained, or which conceded liberties prejudicial to the royal prerogative Hazard, i. 344—347. Hubbard, 264—268. Hutchinson, i. App. No. iv. Winthrop, i. 143. Chalmers mistakes a year. The news of this commission soon
tents were increased by hostility toward the creed of Papists; and, as Protestantism became a political sect, the proprietary government was in the issue easily subverted; for it had struck no deep roots either in the religious tenets, the political faith, or the social condition of the colony. It had rested only on a grateful deference, which was rapidly wearing away. Immediately on the death of the first feudal sovereign of Maryland, the powerful influence of 1676. the archbishop of Canterbury had been solicited to secure an establishment of the Anglican church, which clamored for favor in the province where it enjoyed equality. Misrepresentations were not spared. Maryland, said a clergyman of the church, is a pest-house of iniquity. The cure for all evil was to be an established support of a Protestant ministry. Rev. J. Yeo, in Chalmers, 373. The prelates demanded, not freedom, but privilege; an establishment to be maintained at the common expense of the province. Lord B
ed a powerful intercessor. The countess of Sunderland, whom the Princess, afterwards Queen, Anne describes as a hypocrite, running from church to church after the famousest preachers, and keeping a clatter with her devotions, is remembered in America as a benefactress. The aged Lord Wharton, last surviving member of the Westminster assembly of divines, a constant and cordial lover of all good men, never grew weary in his zeal. I take pleasure in recording that the tolerant archbishop of Canterbury, the rational Tillotson, charged the king not to take away from the people of New England any of the privileges which Charles I. had granted them.—The charter of New England, said the feebler Burnet, was not an act of grace, but a contract between the king and the first patentees, who promised to enlarge the king's dominion at their own charges, provided they and their posterity might enjoy certain privileges. Yet Somers resisted the restoration of the charter of Massachusetts, pleading
. In 1759, Sherlock, then Bishop of London, had confided his griefs to the chap. XVI.} 1760. Board of Trade, at the great change in the temper of the people of Virginia. It is surely high time, said he, to look about us and consider of the several steps lately taken to the diminution of the prerogative of the crown. The rights of the clergy and the authority of the king must stand or fall together. Connecticut, wrote a royalist Churchman, in July, 1760, to Seeker, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Connecticut is little more than a mere democracy; most of them upon a level, and each man thinking himself an able divine and politician; and to make them a good sort of people, he urged upon Halifax and Pitt, that the Church should be supported, and the charters of that colony, and of its eastward neighbors, be demolished. The present republican form of those governments was indeed pernicious. The people were rampant in their high notions of liberty, and thence perpetually running into
and anger. The discontent of New York sprang from a cause which influenced the calmest minds, and was but strengthened and extended by deliberate reflection. It was not because the Episcopal clergy of that colony urged Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, to promote the abrogation of provincial charters; for the correspondence was concealed. It was not because they importunately demanded bishops in America, as was their duty, if they sincerely be- chap. XVIII.} 1761. lieved that renovating trcise of the prerogative, and get the applause of the mob by propagating the doctrine, that all authority is derived from the people. These three popular lawyers were William Livingston, John Morin Scot, Rev. D. Johnson to the Archbishop of Canterbury. and—alas, that he should afterwards have turned aside from the career of patriotism!—the historian, William Smith. The news of the resignation of Pitt, who was almost idolized in America, heightened the rising jealousy and extended it throu
he native Irish, with the Anglo-Irish Catholics, possessed not more than a seventh of their own island. The maxims on which the government of Ireland was administered by Protestant England after the re- chap. IV.} 1763. volution of 1688, brought about the relations by which that country and our own reciprocally affected each other's destiny: Ireland assisting to people America, and America to redeem Ireland. The inhabitants of Ireland were four parts Boulter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 210: There are, probably, in this kingdom five Papists to at least one Protestant. Durand to Clloiseul, 30 July, 1767. Angleterre T. 474, la proportion est au moins de quatre contre un. So Arthur Young: 500,000 Protestants, two million Catholics. Tour in Ireland, II. 33. in five, certainly more than two parts in three, Burke says, more than two to one. Roman Catholics. Religion established three separate nationalities; the Anglican Churchmen, constituting nearly a tenth of the
are, further, the letter of Governor Bernard to Halifax, of 9 November, 1764, where the idea of these constitutional alterations is most fully developed, and where it is said, This business seems only to have waited for a proper time. See, too, the many letters from the colonies, just before the peace, strongly recommending the changes. Lieut. Gov. Colden's paper on the same subject. So, too, the queries of the Rev. Dr. Samuel Johnson, of Connecticut, sent, in 1760, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Seeker to Johnson. R. Jackson to Hutchinson, 13 Aug. 1764, and Hutchinson to Jackson, 15 October, 1764, relate to the same subject. The purpose against Rhode Island and Connecticut was transmitted through successive ministries till the Declaration of Independence. be substituted in their stead. The little republics of Connecticut and Rhode Island, which Clarendon had cherished, and every ministry of Charles II. had spared, were no longer safe. A new territorial arrangement of pro
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