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Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 898 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 893 3 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 560 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 559 93 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 470 8 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 439 1 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 410 4 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 311 309 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 289 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 278 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) or search for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) in all documents.

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y pecuniary advantage therefrom. Being himself the animating soul of the enterprise, he was persuaded to accept the arduous trust of governor of the colony, for which a royal grant had been obtained of the western coast of the Atlantic from the mouth of the Savannah to that of the Altamaha, and to which the name of Georgia was given in honor of the reigning sovereign. The trustees were incorporated in June, 1732. The pioneer colonists left England in November of that year, and landed at Charleston in January, 1733. Proceeding directly to their territory, they founded the city of Savannah in the course of the ensuing month. Oglethorpe, as director and vice-president of the African Company, had previously become acquainted with an African prince, captured and sold into slavery by some neighboring chief, and had returned him to his native country, after imbibing from his acquaintance with the facts a profound detestation of the Slave-Trade and of Slavery. One of tile fundamental law
evolution are full of complaints by Southern slaveholders of their helplessness and peril, because of Slavery, and of the necessity thereby created of their more efficient defense and protection. Henry Laurens of South Carolina, two years President of the Continental Congress, appointed Minister to Holland, and captured on his way thither by a British cruiser, finally Commissioner with Franklin and Jay for negotiating peace with Great Britain, on the 14th of August, 1776, wrote from Charleston, S. C., to his son, then in England, a letter explaining and justifying his resolution to stand or fall with the cause of American Independence, in which he said: You know, my dear son, I abhor Slavery. I was born in a country where Slavery had been established by British kings and parliaments, as by the laws of that country, ages before my existence. I found the Christian religion and Slavery growing under the same authority and cultivation. I nevertheless disliked it. In former day
Pacha. In the British colonies now composing this country, the experiment of cotton-planting was tried so early as 1621; and in 1666 the growth of the cotton-plant is on record. The cultivation slowly and fitfully expanded throughout the following century, extending northward to the eastern shore of Maryland and the southernmost point of New Jersey--where, however, the plant was grown more for ornament than use. It is stated that seven bags of cotton-wool were among the exports of Charleston, S. C., in 1748, and that trifling shipments from that port were likewise made in 1754 and 1757. In 1784, it is recorded that eight bags, slipped to England, were seized at the custom-house as fraudulently entered: cotton not being a production of the United States. The export of 1790, as returned, was eighty-one bags; and the entire cotton crop of the United States at that time was probably less than the product of some single plantation in our day. For, though the plant grew luxuriantl
vember 6th. made provision for the threatened emergency. Ordering General Scott to proceed to Charleston for the purpose of superintending the safety of the ports of the United States in that vicinitforces at his command, the President sent confidential orders to the Collector for the port of Charleston, whereof the following extract sufficiently indicates the character and purpose: Upon the and that exhibited by General Jackson's successor, on the occurrence of a similar outbreak at Charleston twenty-eight years later, is very striking. Congress reconvened on the 3d of December; but s the revenue laws unconstitutional, and has a right to prevent their execution in the port of Charleston, there would be a clear constitutional objection to their collection in every other port, and ad so recklessly assumed. A few days before the 1st of February, the Nullifying chiefs met at Charleston, and gravely resolved that, inasmuch as measures were then pending in Congress which contempla
anic, which would not be appeased without blood-shed. The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their innocence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. In a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a kind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man. against them, they would doubtless have been left to the operation of the laws for such cases made and provided; for these were certainly harsh enough to satisfy even Wise himself. At Charleston, S. C., July 29, 1835, it was noised about that the mails just arrived from the North contained a quantity of Abolition periodicals and documents. A public meeting was thereupon called, which the Reverend Clergy of the city attended in a body, lending, says The Courier of next morning, their sanction to the proceedings, and adding, by their presence, to the impressive character of the scene. This meeting unanimously resolved that all the mail matter in question should be burnt, and it was b
rleans, with a cargo of 164 slaves, was lost off the island of Abaco. The slaves were saved, and carried into New Providence, a British port, whose authorities immediately set them at liberty. And in 1833 (February 4), the brig Encomium, from Charleston to New Orleans with 45 slaves, was also wrecked near Abaco, and the slaves, in like manner, carried into New Providence, and there declared free. In February, 1835, the Enterprise, another slaver from the Federal District, proceeding to CharleCharleston with 78 slaves, was driven in distress into Bermuda, where the slaves were immediately set at liberty. After long and earnest efforts on the part of our Government, the British Cabinet reluctantly consented to pay for the cargoes of the Comet and Encomium, expressly on the grounds that Slavery still existed in the British West Indies at the time their slaves were liberated; but refused to pay for those of the Enterprise, or any other slaver that might be brought on British soil subsequentl
ored seamen, cooks, etc., of Northern vessels trading to Charleston. Massachusetts, therefore, at length resolved, through ant trusts, including a seat in Congress — to proceed to Charleston, and there institute the necessary proceedings, in orderw duty, and left home accordingly in November, 1844, for Charleston; reaching that city on the 28th of that month. So utterim, and requested of him an introduction to the Mayor of Charleston, his object being to procure access to the records of or courts of law or equity, or the recorder of the city of Charleston, unless admitted to bail by the said judge or recorder; ouse. When seated, the sheriff inquired his business in Charleston; and was answered that he had already communicated it toeamen who had been taken out of Massachusetts vessels in Charleston, and there imprisoned under the law in question, and he rbance. The next day at noon, three leading citizens of Charleston, two of them eminent lawyers, and the third a president
? Admitting the correctness of his views and general positions with regard to California, New Mexico, Texas, etc., why not permit each subject demanding legislation to be presented in its order, and all questions respecting it to be decided on their intrinsic merits? He, of course, contended throughout that his position was unchanged, that his views were substantially those he had always held; yet the eagerness and satisfaction wherewith his speech was received and reprinted at Richmond, Charleston, New Orleans, and throughout the South, should, it seems, have convinced him, if the disappointment and displeasure of his constituents did not, that either he had undergone a great transformation, or nearly every one else had. His speech, though it contained little or nothing referring directly to the compromise proposed by Mr. Clay, exerted a powerful influence in favor of its ultimate triumph. Mr. Douglas having reported March 25, 1850. a bill for the admission of California into
cerely and gratefully your friend, John Brodhead. The Republican National Convention of 1856, in the platform of principles framed and adopted by it, alluded to this subject as follows: Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that might makes right, embodied in the Ostend Circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor on any government or people that gave it their sanction. At the last Democratic National Convention, which met at Charleston, April 23, 1860, while discord reigned with regard to candidates and the domestic planks of their platform, there was one topic whereon a perfect unanimity was demonstrated. In the brief platform of the majority was embodied the following: Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain. This resolve was first reported to the Convention by Mr. Avery, of N. C., from the maj
c platform the National Democratic Convention at Charleston Splits on a platform the fragments adjourn to Biana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merch had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, on the 23d of Apriln by Gov. David Tod, of Ohio (a Vice-President at Charleston), amid enthusiastic cheers. Gen. B. F. Butler, oesolve, as an addition to the platform adopted at Charleston: Resolved, That it is in accordance with the ent. Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, submitted his Charleston platform, which was unanimously adopted. It was ntreaties and fervid appeals had been lavished at Charleston on futile attempts to bring them to an agreement,tc., who had so determinedly bearded the South at Charleston and at Baltimore, defying threats of disruption aa State Election. It was evident that harmony at Charleston would have rendered the election of a Democratic
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