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Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 230 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 152 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 48 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 40 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 38 2 Browse Search
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe 30 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 24 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 24 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 22 0 Browse Search
Margaret Fuller, Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli (ed. W. H. Channing) 20 0 Browse Search
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Demosthenes, Philippic 2, section 22 (search)
fourfold division of the country, but set up an oligarchy of ten in each division. Philip, whose policy was to divide and conquer, would be unlikely to centralize the government. It is just possible that dekadarxi/an may be a mistaken amplification of *d'arxi/an=tetrarxi/an, but in that case the singular would be strange. Owing to the decarchies which Lysander imposed on so many free cities at the end of the Peloponnesian war, the number ten would have the same sinister associations in Greece as it had at Rome and at Venice. would be established among them, as it is today, or that the same man who restored to them the Amphictyonic meeting at Thermopylae would also appropriate their own peculiar revenues? Impossible! But so it came to pass, as all men may know.
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War, Book 3, chapter 9 (search)
re very powerful in their navy. They well understood that the Romans neither had any number of ships, nor were acquainted with the shallows, the harbors, or the islands of those parts where they would have to carry on the war; and the navigation was very different in a narrow sea from what it was in the vast and open ocean. Having come to this resolution, they fortify their towns, convey corn into them from the country parts, bring together as many ships as possible to Venetia , where it appeared Caesar would at first carry on the war. They unite to themselves as allies for that war, the Osismii, the Lexovii, the Nannetes, the Ambiliati, the Morini, the Diablintes, and the Menapii; and send for auxiliaries from Britain, which is situated over against those regions.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 140, 141 (search)
, and takes penitus—perosos as an indignant exclamation—to think that they should now (modo, a)/rti) not abhor the whole race of women! But it seems doubtful whether he had fully grasped Heyne's meaning even when he supported it, as in Lectt. Vergg. l. c. he finds a chronological incongruity between the two clauses peccare—satis and penitus— perosos, not seeing that ante does not go with fuisset but with peccare. Peerlkamp and Ribbeck adopt modo nunc, a conj. of Markland's, found also in the Venice edition of 1472, and perhaps supported by a reading mentioned by Pierius, modo nec. Fuisset then would have its ordinary sense, modo perosos being understood as modo perosi essent; it would have been enough for them to sin once, had they learnt to detest the race of women now. But it is difficult to see what advantage the new reading has over the old. For perosos there is a strange variant perosus, found as a correction in both Med. and fragm. Vat., and originally in Gud., where it is alte
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 387 (search)
The common reading before Heins. was lacus, which is supposed to be merely a conj. of Joannes Baptista Egnatius, a Venice editor of 1507. The Alban lake is well known, whereas no place is known to have borne the name of Albani loci. But Nisus could not have got nearly as far as the Alban lake: and Wagn. rightly remarks against Heyne that however loose Virg.'s geography may be elsewhere, in speaking of the district about Rome he is likely to be fairly accurate. Ladewig conj. Ae lucos, after a hint of Heyne's, as Cic. Mil. 31 appeals to Albani tumuli atque luci. Even these however would be too distant to have been reached by Nisus. It remains then with Wagn. to suppose that loci Albani was a name given to some district in those parts, perhaps a territory appropriated by the Romans after the taking of Alba. For the form locos 1. 306, 365. De nomine 1. 277, 534 &c.
Vitruvius Pollio, The Ten Books on Architecture (ed. Morris Hicky Morgan), BOOK II, CHAPTER VII: STONE (search)
are taken and brought together. The stone in quarries is found to be of different and unlike qualities. In some it is soft: for example, in the environs of the city at the quarries of Grotta Rossa, Palla, Fidenae, and of the Alban hills; in others, it is medium, as at Tivoli, at Amiternum, or Mt. Soracte, and in quarries of this sort; in still others it is hard, as in lava quarries. There are also numerous other kinds: for instance, in Campania, red and black tufas; in Umbria, Picenum, and Venetia, white tufa which can be cut with a toothed saw, like wood. 2. All these soft kinds have the advantage that they can be easily worked as soon as they have been taken from the quarries. Under cover they play their part well; but in open and exposed situations the frost and rime make them crumble, and they go to pieces. On the seacoast, too, the salt eats away and dissolves them, nor can they stand great heat either. But travertine and all stone of that class can stand injury whether from a h
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, Libellus de politica conservatia Maris. Or, The Pollicy of keeping the Sea. (search)
, So minisheth our commoditee. Now wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then utterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie toVenice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie to save, To English marchants to yeve it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiving and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelve pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol have of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound; as eft soone againe, For two moneths twelve pence must he pay. In the English pound what is tha
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The commodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their Gallees. Chap. 7. (search)
, So minisheth our commoditee. Now wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then utterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie toVenice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie to save, To English marchants to yeve it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiving and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelve pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol have of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound; as eft soone againe, For two moneths twelve pence must he pay. In the English pound what is tha
, So minisheth our commoditee. Now wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then utterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie toVenice sold, Then to carie her change they this money have, They will it profer, their subtiltie to save, To English marchants to yeve it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiving and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelve pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol have of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound; as eft soone againe, For two moneths twelve pence must he pay. In the English pound what is tha
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, Certaine notes gathered by Richard Johnson (which was at Boghar with M. Anthony Jenkinson) of the reports of Russes and other strangers, of the wayes of Russia to Cathaya, and of divers and strange people. (search)
moeds in like maner, having another language. One moneth in the yeere they live in the sea, and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth. 3 Item beyond these people, on the sea coast, there is another kinde of Samoeds, their meate is flesh and fish, and their merchandise are Sables, white and blacke Foxes (which the Russes call Pselts) and Harts skinnes, and Fawnes skinnes. The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and other notable citizens of Venice , touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia, to Campion a citie of Cathay over land: in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Caravans. FROM Tauris to Soltania.6 dayes journey. From Soltania to Casbin.4 From Casbin to Veremi. 6 From Veremi to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara. 20 From Boghara to Samarchand. 5 From Samarchand to Cascar. 25 From Cascar to Acsu. 20 From Acsu to Cuchi.20 From Cuchi to Chialis. 10 From Chialis to
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and other notable citizens of Venice , touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia, to Campion a citie of Cathay over land: in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Caravans. (search)
The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and other notable citizens of Venice , touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia, to Campion a citie of Cathay over land: in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Caravans. FROM Tauris to Soltania.6 dayes journey. From Soltania to Casbin.4 From Casbin to Veremi. 6 From Veremi to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara. 20 From Boghara to Samarchand. 5 From Samarchand to Cascar. 25 From Cascar to Acsu. 20 From Acsu to Cuchi.20 From Cuchi to Chialis. 10 From Chialis to Turfon. 10 From Turfon to Camul. 13 From Camul to Succuir. 15 From Succuir to Gauta. 5 From Gauta to Campion. 6 Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the province of Tangut, from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth.