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She who used once to champion the freedom of her fellow Greeks was now content if she could safely meet the dangers that her own defence entailed. In the past she had ruled a wide extent of foreign land; now she was disputing with Macedon for her own. The people whom Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesians, whom the Greeks of Asia used once to summon to their help,Two notable occasions when Athens sent help to Sparta were the Third Messenian War （464 B.C.） and the campaign of Mantinea （362 B.C.）. She had assisted the Asiatic Greeks in the revolt of Aristagoras （c. 498 B.C.） and at the time of the Delian League. were now entreating men of Andros, Ceos, Troezen and Epidaurus to sen
Not so with any city which has ever been destroyed. First, though it is to quote a rather early case, remember Troy. Who has not heard how, after being the greatest city of her time and ruling the whole of Asia, she was deserted for ever when once the Greeks had razed her? Think of Messene too, established again as a city five hundred years after from men of indiscriminate origin.If by these words Lycurgus means five hundred years after it was destroyed, as he presumably does, he is being very inaccurate. Messene was founded in 369 by Epaminondas and its previous destruction is most naturally assigned to the Second Messenian War （mid-seventh century）. Even the beginning of the First Messenian War, in which the Spartans conquered the country, cannot be placed much earlier than 720,i.e. only 350 years before. See Din. 1.73 and no
It was because they held such beliefs as these that for ninety years they were leaders of the Greeks.Estimates of other orators range from 73 years （Dem. 9.23） to 65 years （Isoc. 12.56）, but in view of the inaccuracy of Lycurgus on historical matters it does not seem necessary to accept Taylor's suggestion to read “seventy” instead of “ninety.” The maximum possible length for the period would be 85 years, from the battle of Marathon in 490 B.C. to that of Aegospotami in 405. They ravaged Phoenicia and Cilicia, triumphed by land and sea at the Eurymedon, captured a hundred barbarian triremes and sailed round the whole of Asia
And to crown their victory: not content with erecting the trophy in Salamis, they fixed for the Persian the boundaries necessary for Greek freedom and prevented his overstepping them, making an agreement that he should not sail his warships between the Cyaneae and Phaselis and that the Greeks should be free not only if they lived in Europe but in Asia too.Lycurgus seems to be referring in exaggerated terms to the campaign in which the Athenians won a naval victory off Cyprus （qv. Thuc. 1.112）. That he connects it with the battle of the Eurymedon which took place some eighteen years earlier （c. 467 B.C.） need not surprise us, in view of his other inaccuracies （cf. Lyc. 1.62 and Lyc. 1.70）. The agreement in question is the so-called Peace of Callias （c. 448 B.C.）, about which nothing certain is known. His account of the sea limit agrees substantially with that of other orators （e.g. Isoc. 12.59; Dem. 19.273）, but the old triumphs over Persia were exaggerated in the fourth
These are the lines, gentlemen, to which your forefathers listened, and such are the deeds which they emulated. Thus they developed such courage that they were ready to die, not for their country alone, but for the whole of Greece as a land in whose heritage they shared. Certainly those who confronted the barbarians at Marathon, by defeating an army from the whole of Asia, won, at their own peril, security for every Greek alike. They gave themselves no credit for glory but valued rather conduct deserving of it, whereby they made themselves the champions of the Greeks and lords of the barbarians. Their pursuit of valor was no idle boast; they displayed it in action to the world.