hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

Your search returned 63 results in 15 document sections:

1 2
ain, then in close alliance with revolutionary France, to retrocede to her Louisiana, almost without this was now morally certain to be reversed. France, planting herself, as it were, at our back doo course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the one which hitherto has offered the fewe to her. Not so can it ever be in the hands of France. The impetuosity of her temper, the energy anarrangements on that hypothesis. The day that France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentorcement of her settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon which shall be fired in. It is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us, as necessarily as any other cauouisiana, so recently and easily reacquired by France, must become a peril and a burden to her upon ican Gulf was at best a hazardous enterprise. France badly needed money; we needed, or at least covsatisfaction of their righteous claims against France for spoliations and other damages; and the Uni[6 more...]
n history as the Missouri Compromise was concocted. It was the work, not of the advocates, but of the opponents, of Slavery Restriction, intended solely to win votes enough from the majority in the House to secure the admission of Missouri as a Slave State. It was first proposed in the Senate by Mr. Thomas, of Illinois--a uniform opponent of Restriction on Missouri--and introduced by him February 17, 1820. in this shape: And be it further enacted, That in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited. Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully cl
y the former, than if made by the latter. --Madison's Papers, vol. II., pp. 884, 903, 921. They vehemently disclaimed any desire to return to tile chronic feebleness and anarchy of the supplanted Confederation, and consecrated their energies to battling against the measureless ills of an unbalanced and centralized despotism. They generally rejected the appellation of Anti-Federalists, and chose to be distinctively known as Republicans. Thomas Jefferson, who had been absent as embassador to France throughout the five or six preceding years, and who had therefore taken no conspicuous or decided part either for or against the Constitution in its incipiency, became the leader, and was for many years thereafter the oracle, of their party. The Federalists, strong in the possession of power, and in the popularity and( influence of their great chief, Washington, were early misled into some capital blunders. Among, these was the passage of the acts of Congress, famous as the Alien and Sed
the Senate, derived from slaves, will not be injuriously felt. And then will the tacticians, who have kept Virginia back half a century, compared with New York and Pennsylvania, disappear, and give place to practical men-then will roads and canals be made, domestic manufactures encouraged, and a free and virtuous and laborious people give wealth and power and security to the commonwealth — the old families, as they are called — persons much partaking of the character of the old nobility of France, imbecile and incorrigible — pass away, and a healthful and happy, bold and intelligent middle class rise up to sweeten and invigorate society, by rendering labor honorable; and Richmond will not any longer be all Virginia, as a distinguished gentleman used to proclaim, in matters of politics or policy. The moral effects of these things over the slave population of Virginia, and in the adjacent States, are hardly to be calculated. The presence of numerous slaves is incompatible with that o<
resolution, strictly speaking, neither affirms nor denies anything in reference to the matter in hand. No man has a moral right to do anything improper. Whether, therefore, he has the moral right to discuss the question of Slavery, is a point with which human legislation or resolutions have nothing to do. The true issue to be decided is, whether he has the civil, the political right, to discuss it, or not. And this is a mere question of fact. In Russia, in Turkey, in Austria, nay, even in France, this right most certainly does not exist. But does it exist in Missouri? We decide this question by turning to the Constitution of the State. The sixteenth section, article thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, reads as follows: That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write, and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. Here, then, I find my warrant for
roved as futile as La Salle's. The cession of Louisiana by France to Spain in 1763, of course foreclosed all possibility of on; and when Louisiana, having been retroceded by Spain to France, was sold to the United States, we took our grand purchaseof Louisiana arose. Louisiana was obtained by treaty with France, who had already obtained it from Spain ; but the object oatter at the Rio Grande, agreeably to the understanding of France; that he had written home to our Government for powers to stonishment. The right of the territory was obtained from France; Spain stood ready to acknowledge it to the Rio Grande; an it. We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirteen colonies now comp Union as so important. Such were the grounds on which France was asked to give her sympathy and moral support to the Anples throughout the world. The dispatch of Mr. Calhoun to France, with one or two others of like purport, aimed more direct
ns; Alabama and Mississippi were, in like manner, constructively slaveholding at the outset, by virtue of the laws of North Carolina and Georgia, from which States they were cut off. Louisiana (including Missouri) had come to us slaveholding from France; so had Florida from Spain; while Texas had been colonized and revolutionized mainly by Southerners, who imprinted on her their darling institution before we had any voice in the matter. In the case of each, it had been plausibly and successfullFrancis Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The regular Democratic or Cass and Butler Convention reiterated most of the resolves of its two predecessors, adding two or three in commendation of the War with Mexico; warmly congratulated France on her recent return to a republican form of government, and ambiguously indorsed the new Popular Sovereignty discovery as follows: Resolved, That in the recent development of this grand political truth, of the sovereignty of the people and t
on and State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit Slavery in certain territories, approved March 6, 1820, it was provided; That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crritory to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit Slavery in certain territories, as declares That, in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be
bad faith. Our country was deeply indebted to France for the generous and vitally important assistar in our Revolutionary struggle; and, although France was not — as nations, like individuals, seldomesty, tile present possessions of the crown of France in America, as well as those which it may acqutransfer to any other power, Great Britain and France determined to put our sincerity to the test; aoposed to us, on the part of Great Britain and France, was in the following words: The high contal renunciation, on the part of Great Britain, France, and the United States, respectively, of any convention or compact as that proposed to it by France and England. While still disclaiming, pro forr. Jefferson in reference to the alliance with France of 1778--an alliance, at the time, of incalcults terms, would be very unequal in substance. France and England, by entering into it, would disablto justify the acquisition of Great Britain by France, are still further amplified; intermingled wit[11 more...]
-that the personal rights and safety of Northern men of anti-Slavery views were habitually violated in the South--that the present pointed antagonism between the Free and the Slave States had been caused by a great change of opinion, not at the North, but at the South, he continued: The Republican party holds the same opinion, so far as I know, with regard to your peculiar institution that is held by every civilized nation on the globe. We do not differ in public sentiment from England, France, Germany, and Italy, on the subject of Slavery. I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle in our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery from invading another inch of the free soil of this Government. I stand to that principle to-day. I have argued it to half a million of people, and they stand by it — they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so help me God, I will I say to you, while we hold this doctrine to the end, there is no Republican, or C
1 2