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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,404 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 200 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 188 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 184 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 174 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 166 0 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 164 0 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant 132 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 100 0 Browse Search
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion 100 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) or search for Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) in all documents.

Your search returned 14 results in 9 document sections:

ents cut to pieces, artillery captured in whole batteries, and a mighty body of disciplined men converted into a panic-stricken mob — such things have not been read of, except on that smaller scale where the disciplined troops who bore Scott into Mexico encountered the races of semi-barbarians, who parted before him like sheep before a charge of cavalry. It is the same iron race which took Scott upon their shoulders, and carried him into the capital of Mexico, which now bars his way to RichmondMexico, which now bars his way to Richmond with a wall of steel and fire. The leaders may clamor for new and greater efforts for the straining of the resources of the people and the gathering of large armaments, to be precipitated upon the South in the desperate hope of retrieving the fortunes of a day so deplorably lost. We will not venture to say to what extent rage, disappointment, baffled cupidity, and thirst for revenge, may carry a deluded people; but the confidence of the South will rise high, that no continued and often-repeat
t thousands wildly claim the right of any portion of a nation to throw off and overturn their Government at their mere pleasure, for any cause or no cause, regardless of consequences, and in defiance of every principle which justifies or upholds any form of human authority. It were needless to say that such a doctrine tears up by the roots all social order, and prostrates like a whirlwind every institution of government. To see its legitimate and inevitable fruits, you have only to look at Mexico, where forty years of revolutions have wrought desolations, which another forty years of peace and order might not repair. If the American people are not to take a place alongside of that poor victim of periodical revolt, let them understand the principles upon which alone any people may make themselves the executioners of their own Government. If it be not in vain to hold up the words and example of our Revolutionary fathers, let us learn from them when to take the sword; lest, taking it
and render every acute complaint hopelessly chronic. Look at miserable, misguided, misgoverned Mexico, and receive a lesson of instruction. She has been seceding, and dividing, and pronouncing, andve occasioned no detriment. When the population of the United States was three millions that of Mexico was five; and when that of the United States is thirty, the population of Mexico is only eight; Mexico is only eight; and while the United States has gained the highest rank among the nations of the earth, by common consent, Mexico has descended to the lowest. Her people have been the dupes, and slaves, and footballMexico has descended to the lowest. Her people have been the dupes, and slaves, and footballs of aspiring leaders, mad with a reckless and mean ambition, inflated with self-importance and conceit, and destitute of patriotism or statesmanship. But as a clown with a pickaxe can demolish the crthrow the loftiest institutions of wisdom. Thus has poor, despised, dwarfed, and downtrodden Mexico been crushed forever, under the iron heel of her own insane despoilers; a memorable but melancho
as assured) Gen. Scott commenced operations at Fortress Monroe, near Harper's Ferry, and in Western Virginia, the latter point being most favorable, profiting, as no other section did, by the cooperation and sympathies of loyal inhabitants. With Washington for his base of operations, the western wings of his army were to feel and fight their way southward; until at the appointed time, having reached their designated positions, all his columns were to move simultaneously, Richmond falling as Mexico fell, before an irresistible army. But this plan did not accord with the popular idea. Prominent individuals, whose counsels and clamors precipitated the outbreak, demanded precipitate action. These demands were more and more clamorous. Exciting appeals to popular feeling were soon followed by open aspersions and denunciations of Gen. Scott. And finally, with a presumption and insolence unheard of, a leading journal, assuming command of the army, issued and reiterated the order, On to
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 126.-Mississippi resolutions on the battle of Manassas, adopted July 26, 1861. (search)
the universal rejoicing of the people of the State of Mississippi and of the Confederate States, over the late brilliant victories achieved by the Confederate arms. 2d. That we tender to the gallant surviving sons of Mississippi, who participated in the heroic achievements of the 18th and 21st inst., the assurance of our liveliest gratitude, and that while they crowned themselves with unfading laurels they have added another chaplet to the crown won for our State on the bloody fields of Mexico. 3d. That a triumphant death having removed some of the brave and noble sons of Mississippi beyond the reach of words, it is ours to enshrine their names and deeds in the hearts and memories of a grateful people. To their bereaved kindred and friends we offer profound condolence, and share with them the consolation of knowing they fell in the arms of victory beneath the consecrated flag of their country. 4th. That we extend to the brave Mississippians on other and less active fields
that there has been a design to change the nature of our Government. I could refer to Mr. Rhett; I could refer to Mr. Inglis; I could refer to various others to prove this. The Montgomery Daily Advertiser, one of the organs of the so-called Southern Confederacy, says: Has it been a precipitate revolution? It has not. With coolness and deliberation the subject has been thought of for forty years; for ten years it has been the all-absorbing theme in political circles. From Maine to Mexico all the different phases and forms of the question have been presented to the people, until nothing else was thought of, nothing else spoken of, and nothing else taught in many of the political schools. This, in connection with other things, shows that this movement has been long contemplated, and that the idea has been to separate from and break up this Government, to change its nature and character; and now, after they have attempted the separation, if they can succeed, their intention
ons of constitutional construction as to whether it is war or merely insurrection? No, sir. It is our duty to advance, if we can; to suppress insurrection; to put down rebellion; to dissipate the rising; to scatter the enemy; and when we have done so, to preserve in the terms of the bill, the liberty, lives, and property of the people of the country, by just and fair police regulations. I ask the Senator from Indiana, (Mr. Lane,) when we took Monterey, did we not do it there? When we took Mexico, did we not do it there? Is it not a part, a necessary and indispensable part, of war itself, that there shall be military regulations over the country conquered and held? Is that unconstitutional? I think it was a mere play of words that the Senator indulged in when he attempted to answer the Senator from New York. I did not understand the Senator from New York to mean any thing else substantially but this, that the Constitution deals generally with a state of peace, and that when war i
Doc. 156 1/2.-military situation in Missouri. Under date of Mexico, (Mo.,) Aug. 8, Brig.-Gen. Pope writes a letter to Mr. Isaac 11. Sturgeon, of St. Louis, explaining some points in his recent proclamation, which we have already published. After a vivid picture of the disordered condition in which he found affairs upon taking command of his Department, Gen. Pope says: My first object was to restore peace and safety, so that the forces under my command could be removed from the vicinity of the settlements, and to do this with the least bloodshed, the least distress to quiet persons, and the least exasperation of feeling amongst the people. Two courses were open to me to effect this desirable result. The first was to put in motion in all parts of this region small bodies of troops, to hunt out the parties in arms against the peace, and follow them to their homes or places of retreat, wherever they may be. This course would have led to frequent and bloody encounters, to sea
erless to protect from assassination; and besides, the members being scattered, in many instances miles apart, were useless in a sudden emergency. Finally, the rebels becoming more bold and threatening, the Unionists resolved to go into camp. This they did, to the number of about six hundred, at a town called Cahokia, eighteen miles from the Mississippi, in Clarke County. Their commander is a rough, not over bright, but withal, a well-meaning and brave old soldier, who has seen service in Mexico. Soon after going into camp, they received from St. Louis 240 stand of arms. In the mean time, the secessionists had formed a camp, under Martin Green, a brother of the ex-Senator, at Monticello, the county seat of Lewis County, which is about thirty miles south of Cahokia. A few days after the Union camp was formed, word came that Green was marching on it with a force of 800 men. The Unionists immediately sent to Keokuk and Warsaw for assistance. Keokuk did not respond, but the Warsa