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ets, who was ready to praise merit wherever found, they were but demi-men, who, in perfectly serious stupidity, thought themselves beings of a higher nature than we. Klopstock: Firstenlob. Halbmenschen, die sich, in vollem, dummen Ernst fur hohere Wesen halten als uns. But their pride was a pride which licked the dust, for almost all of them chap. I.} 1763. were venal and pensionary. The authority is an English Lord Chancellor, speaking his mind to an English Duke. Hardwicke to Newcastle, 10th Sept., 1751; in Coxe's Pelham Administration, II. 410. Almost all the princes of Europe are become venal and pensionary. The United Provinces of the Netherlands, the forerunner of nations in religious tolerance, were, from the origin of their confederacy, the natural friends of intellectual freedom. Here thought ranged through the wide domain of speculative reason. Here the literary fugitive found an asylum, and the boldest writings, which in other countries circulated by steal
to submit in patience, like the Catholic Irish. Had all Ireland resembled them, it could not have been kept in subjection. But what could be done by unorganized men, constituting only about a tenth of the people, in the land in which they were but sojourners? They were willing to quit a soil which was endeared to them by no traditions; and the American colonies opened their arms to receive them. They began to change their abode as soon as they felt oppression; Boulter to the Duke of Newcastle, 23 Nov. 1728: The whole North is in a ferment at present, and people every day engaging one another to go the next year to the West Indies. The humor has spread like a contagious distemper; and the people will hardly hear anybody that tries to cure them of their madness. The worst is, that it affects only Protestants, and reigns chiefly in the North. Plowden's Historical Review, i. .276. Compare, too, Dean Swift's Letters. and every successive period of discontent swelled the tide of
growing weary of his German war, and a majority in the British cabinet opposed his counsels. Newcastle, so long the representative of a cabal of the oligarchy, which had once been more repected thaore changed his associates: entering life as a patriot, accepting office of Newcastle, leaving Newcastle with Pitt, and remaining in office when Pitt and Temple were driven out. The head of his own hn doing more. And when he looked back upon the line of his predecessors in office; upon Bute, Newcastle, Devonshire, Waldegrave, and even Pelham, under whom he had been trained, it was easy for him te to Beford, 2 April, 1763, in Wiffen and Bedford Correspondence. My nephew Charles, reasoned Newcastle, Newcastle to Pitt, 9 April 1763, in Chatham Correspondence, II. 221. will hardly act underNewcastle to Pitt, 9 April 1763, in Chatham Correspondence, II. 221. will hardly act under George Grenville; and it proved so. A sharp rivalry existed between the two, and continued as long as both lived; each of them, in the absence of Pitt, aiming to stand first in the House of Commons,
ville, for he never called him by his right name. Whether Pitt, who had himself attained a kind of royalty, and was ever mindful to support his own majesty, Lyttelton to Royston, in Phillimore, II. 646. pleased himself with seeing the great Whig families at his heels; or, which is more probable, aware that the actual ministry could not go on, was himself deceived by his own presumptuously hopeful nature into a belief that those who made the overture must carry it through, he summoned Newcastle, Devonshire, Rockingham, and Hardwicke Hardwicke in Harris, III. 379. to come to London as his council. From his own point of view, there was no unreasonableness W. Gerard Hamilton in Chatham Cor. II. 378. in his demands. But to the court it seemed otherwise. On Sunday evening Grenville found the king in the greatest agitation. Rather than submit to the hard terms proposed by Pitt, said he, I would die in the room I now stand in. Grenville Papers, II. 197. Early in the morni
that province, of which the commerce, in ten years, increased almost five fold. For these vast regions Grenville believed he was framing a perfect system of government. If he was ignorant as to America, in England he understood his position, and proudly and confidently prepared to meet that assembly, in which English ambition contends for power. His opponents were divided, Charles Yorke, the attorney-general, had resigned, but so reluctantly, that in doing it he burst out into tears. Newcastle and his friends designed him as their candidate for the high station of Lord Chancellor, which was the great object of his ambition. But Pitt would never hear of it. My resistance of my Lord Mansfield's influence, said he, is not made in animosity to the man, but in opposition to his principles. Since through Charles Yorke the ways of thinking of Lord Mansfield would equally prevail in Westminster Hall, he cared not to hear the name of Yorke sound the highest among the long robe, and he
ike Edmund Burke, caught the more liberal views of political economy which were then beginning to prevail, especially in France and in Scotland, spoke on the side of freedom of trade; and the bill was refused a second reading. The silk weavers were exasperated; professing to believe that Bedford had been bought by the French. On Tuesday they went in a large body to Richmond 14. to petition the king for redress. Cumberland, at that time, was explaining his commission to Rockingham and Newcastle, both of whom were zealous for the proposed change. The Earl of Albemarle, therefore, communicated, in his name, with Pitt, who terminated a conversation of four hours without an engagement, yet without a negative. Edmund Burke, as he watched the negotiation, complained of Pitt's hesitancy, and derided his fustian. Temple and Grafton were summoned to town. Of Grafton, Cumberland asked, if a ministry could be formed out of the minority, without Pitt; and received for answer, that noth
regulations laid down for the colonies, by a slackness in the execution, I shall look upon him as a criminal and the betrayer of his country. The conditions on which the new ministry took office, were agreed upon at the house of the duke of Newcastle, and did not extend beyond the disposal of offices. They introduced no system adapted to the age, no projects of reform; they gave no pledges in behalf of liberty, except such as might be found in the traditions of their party and their own personal characters. The old duke of Newcastle was the type of the administration, though he took only the post of privy seal, with the patronage of the church. chap. XV.} 1765. July. The law adviser of its choice, as attorney general, was Charles Yorke, whose political principles coincided with those of Mansfield. Its mediator with the king was the duke of Cumberland, who had a seat in the cabinet as its protector. But younger men also came into power, giving hope for the future. In plac
ifferences in politics between Lord Temple and me, said the Commoner, have never till chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. now, made it impossible for us to act on one plan. The difference upon this American measure will, in its consequences, be felt for fifty years at least. He proposed to form a proper system, with the two present Secretaries and first Lord of the Treasury, the younger and better part of the ministry; if they would willingly co-operate with him. Honors might be offered the Duke of Newcastle, but not a place in the Cabinet. I see with pleasure, said he, the present administration take the places of the last. I came up upon the American affair, a point on which I feared they might be borne down. Of this conversation the Duke of Grafton made so good a use, that, by the king's direction, he and Rockingham waited on Pitt, on Saturday the eighteenth, when Pitt once more expressed his readiness to act with those now in the ministry, yet with some transposition of places. At th