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med it unwise to call up the commands of Palmer and Cruft, and the remaining brigades of Geary, to deliver a general attack, without my artillery. I therefore gave instructions for no advance to be made, and for the firing to be discontinued, except in self-defence. These orders were conveyed and delivered to every officer in command on our advance line. Word was received from General Wood that appearances in his front were indic ative of a forward movement on the part of the enemy, when Ireland's brigade, of Geary's division, was sent to strengthen them. Calhoun's brigade, of the same division, took a well-sheltered position behind the knoll, midway between the depot and the opening to the gap. These officers were also ordered not to attack or fire unless it should become necessary. I may here state that the greatest difficulty I experienced with my new commands, and the one which caused me the most solicitude, was to check and curb their disposition to engage, regardless of cir
, and subjected her to an unfounded prosecution at the very time when cargoes of munitions of war were being openly shipped from British ports to New-York, to be used in warfare against us. Even now the public journals bring intelligence that the British government has ordered the seizure, in a British port, of two vessels, on the suspicion that they may have been sold to this government, and that they may be hereafter armed and equipped in our service, while British subjects are engaged in Ireland by tens of thousands to proceed to the United States for warfare against the Confederacy, in defiance both of the law of nations and of the express terms of the British statutes, and are transported in British ships, without an effort at concealment, to the ports of the United States, there to be armed with rifles imported from Great Britain, and to be employed against our people in a war for conquest. No royal prerogative is invoked, no executive interference is interposed against this fl
should not visit the homes of families or private interests. But, in other examples, a different rule obtained the sanction of historical authority. I will only instance that, when, in the reign of William and Mary, the English army occupied Ireland, then in a state of revolt, the inhabitants were actually driven into foreign lands, and were actually dispossessed of their property, and a new population introduced. To this day, a large part of the north of Ireland is held by the descendantsIreland is held by the descendants of the Scotch emigrants, sent there by William's order and an act of Parliament. The war which prevails in our land is essentially a war of races. The Southern people entered into a clear compact of government, but still maintained a species of separate interests, history, and prejudices. These latter became stronger and stronger, till they have led to a war which has developed fruits of the bitterest kind. We of the North are, beyond all question, right in our lawful cause, but we are
General Robert E. Lee, in a recent battle order, stated to his invincible legions, that seeks the cruel foe to reduce our fathers and mothers, our wives and children, to abject slavery. He does not paint too strongly the purposes of the enemy or the consequences of subjugation. What has been done in certain districts is but the prologue of the bloody drama that will be enacted. It is well that every man and woman should have some just conception of the horrors of conquest. The fate of Ireland at the period of its conquest, and of Poland, distinctly foreshadows what would await us. The guillotine, in its ceaseless work of blood, would be revived for the execution of the rebel leaders. The heroes of our contest would be required lay down their proud ensigns, on which are recorded the battle-fields of their glory, to stack their arms, lower their heads in humiliation and dishonor, and pass under the yoke of abolition misrule and tyranny. A hateful inquisition, made atrocious by