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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 970 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition. 126 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 114 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 100 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 94 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 88 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 86 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 76 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 74 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) or search for Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) in all documents.

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of my brigade on the morning of the 21st, but I am certain its aggregate strength was about 2,500 men. We captured fifteen of the enemy and brought six prisoners to Washington. In concluding the account of the battle, I am happy to be able to add that the conduct of the First Brigade, First Division, was generally excellent. The troops composing it need only instruction to make them as good as any in the world. I take the liberty to add, in continuation of this report, that the three Connecticut regiments, and a part of the Second Maine Volunteers, of my brigade, left their camp near Centreville at about 10 o'clock P. M., by order of Gen. Tyler, and arrived at Camp McDowell, six and a half miles from the Potomac, at dawn of day the morning after the battle. The camps of my four regiments and half of one company of cavalry were standing, and during the day I learned that the Ohio camp, a mile and a quarter this way, was vacant of troops, and the camp of the New York Second had on
ctive, and for a moment believed it to be a portion of Hunter's division, and that it had succeeded in completely turning the enemy's rear. A wild shout rose from us all. But soon the look-outs saw that the ensigns bore secession banners, and we knew that Johnston or some other rebel general, was leading a horde of fresh troops against our united right and centre. It was time for more regiments to be sent forward, and Keyes was ordered to advance with the First Tyler brigade. The three Connecticut regiments and the Fourth Maine came on with a will: the First Connecticut was posted in reserve, and the other three corps swept up the field, by the ford on the right, to aid the struggling advance. All eyes were now directed to the distant hill-top, now the centre of the fight. All could see the enemy's infantry ranging darkly against the sky beyond, and the first lines of our men moving with fine determination up the steep slope. The cannonading upon our advance, the struggle upon
d by the sufficiency of her Declaration. Let us, then, examine it. After a feeble and futile defence of the right of secession, they present the Personal Liberty Laws of some of the Northern States as a justification; concerning which they say: We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. * * * The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from the service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligations; bu
laration of Independence--that great principle that announced that Governments derive their just power from the consent of the governed. In the announcement of this principle, the delegation from Massachusetts, and from Rhode Island, and from Connecticut, and from all the Northern States, united with the delegates from the Old Dominion and from the Palmetto State, and from Georgia, the youngest and last of the Colonies, then not numbering more than fifty thousand of population — they united inin the treaty of 1783, when each separate State was recognized as independent, we were not recognized by Great Britain as a nationality, but the independence of each Colony or State was recognized by itself--Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and Connecticut and Virginia, each one by itself; each one was separate, sovereign, and independent. They made a common cause to achieve individual and separate sovereign existence. After the Revolutionary war they entered into a constitutional compact —
be governed as territories. He did say so then, and believed so now, and thought the events of the next six months would show that it would be better if the senator believed it too. Mr. Breckinridge said the answer of the senator proved what he said, and contended that it was evident that the Constitution was to be put aside. It was utterly subversive of the Constitution and of public liberty to clothe any one with dictatorial powers. He then referred to the speech of Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, who said, in substance, that if African slavery stood in the way it must be abolished. Mr. Dixon had the secretary read what he did say on the subject, as published. Mr. Breckinridge said it appeared to him that the most violent Republicans had possession of the Government, and referred to the bill introduced by Mr. Pomeroy to suppress the slave-holder rebellion, and which also contained a provision for the abolition of slavery. He contended that the very title was enough to show
The order had been given for the several divisions to make the attack upon the intrenched lines of the rebels at about the same time--one o'clock P. M.--and promptly, at one o'clock P. M., all the enemy's works in the neighborhood of Fairfax Court House were in our possession. The advance was made by four different routes leading towards Fairfax Court House and directly to Centreville. The right wing, composed of the First division, four brigades, under the command of General Tyler, of Connecticut, proceeded by the Georgetown turnpike. The centre, composed of the Second division, two brigades, under Colonel Hunter, United States Army, proceeded by the Leesburg or Centreville road. The left wing was composed of the Third division, three brigades, under Colonel S. P. Heintzelman, United States Army; and the Fifth division, two brigades, under Colonel Dixon S. Miles, United States Army. The Fifth division proceeded by the old Braddock road, and the Third by the Little River turnpike
following account comes through our occasional correspondent at Washington, on whom we have great reliance: The following account of the battle at Bull Run is given by the Hons. Wm. A. Richardson, John A. McClernand, of Ill., and John W. Noel, of Missouri, (all members of the House,) who were eye-witnesses of the battle, and aided in several instances in bearing from the field members of the New York 12th, who were wounded. The action commenced under the direction of Gen. Tyler, of Connecticut, at 1 1/2 o'clock on Thursday afternoon, at Bull Run, three miles from Centreville, between several companies of skirmishers attached to the Massachusetts 1st, and a masked battery situated on a slight eminence. The skirmishers retreated rapidly, and were succeeded in the engagement by Sherman's battery and two companies of regular cavalry, which, after continuing the contest for some time, were supported by the New York 12th, 1st Maine, 2d Michigan, 1st Massachusetts, and a Wisconsin re
ents left standing there, which I knew, if we fell back on the fortifications in front of Washington, the enemy would at once seize. Col. Keyes, with the three Connecticut regiments, arrived at Falls Church about 5 o'clock A. M. of the 22d inst., and proceeded at once to strike their tents, and those of the Maine regiment and sendhe night, struck them the next morning, and sent the other Government property to Fort Corcoran and Alexandria; and at 7 o'clock Tuesday morning I saw the three Connecticut regiments, with two thousand (2,000) bayonets, march under the guns of Fort Corcoran in good order after having saved us not only a large amount of public propeof the late William C. Preston, who had gone over to the enemy, and thirty-two captains, lieutenants, &c. We came near bagging the Hon. Mr. Foster, Senator from Connecticut. The official reports of the casualties of the day have not yet come in, and consequently it is impossible to say what our loss is. I can only venture an opi
f all men. These authoritative utterances, emanating from men who occupy the highest official positions in their Government, can well be regarded as pregnant with significance. But later occurrences are not lacking to corroborate this construction of the motive of these bad men. Innumerable lesser lights are constantly developing the sentiment that pervades the public mind of the abolitionists, and their war cry seems with great unanimity to be, down with slavery. Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, has proclaimed in a recent debate in the Congress of the United States, that if slavery stands in the way of the Union, it must be abolished. Pomeroy, of Kansas, another member of that undignified congregation of petty legislators, introduced a bill the other day to suppress those slaveholders' rebellion, containing a provision for the abolition of slavery. Others have uttered sentiments quite as atrocious in relation to the subject. This feeling is exhibiting itself, too, with rene
Doc. 173 1/2.-U. S. Executive Government, 1857-61. President.--James Buchanan, of Penn. Vice-President.--John C. Breckinridge, of Ky. Secretaries of State.--Lewis Cass, of Michigan; Jeremiah S. Black of Penn., appt. Dec. 17, 1860. Secretary of the Navy.--Isaac Toucey, of Conn. Secretaries of War.--John B. Floyd, of Va.; Joseph Holt, of Ky., appt. Jan. 18, 1861. Secretaries of the Treasury.--Howell Cobb, of Ga.; Philip F. Thomas, of Md., appt. Dec. 12, 1860; John A. Dix, of N. Y., appt. Jan. 11, 1861. Secretary of the Interior.--Jacob Thompson, of Miss. Postmasters-General.--Joseph Holt, of Ky.; Horatio King, of Me., appt. Feb. 12, 1861. Attorneys-General.--Jeremiah S. Black, of Penn.; Edwin M. Stanton, of Penn., appt. Dec. 20, 1860.
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