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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 456 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 154 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 72 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 64 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 58 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition. 54 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 44 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 40 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 38 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 36 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Delaware (Delaware, United States) or search for Delaware (Delaware, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 77 results in 21 document sections:

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ol. i., p. 236.   Continental. Militia. New Hampshire 12,496 2,093 Massachusetts 68,007 15,155 Rhode Island 5,878 4,284 Connecticut 32,039 7,792 New York 18,331 3,304 New Jersey 10,726 6,055 Pennsylvania 25,608 7,357 Delaware 2,317 376 Maryland 13,912 4,127 Virginia 26,668 5,620 North Carolina 7,263   South Carolina 6,417   Georgia 2,679     Total 232,341 56,163 The number of slaves in the States respectively, at the time of the Revolution, is not known. But it may be closely approximated by the aid of the census of 1790, wherein the slave population is returned as follows: North. South. New Hampshire 158 Delaware 8,887 Vermont 17 Maryland 103,036 Rhode Island 952 Virginia 293,427 Connecticut 2,759 North Carolina 100,572 Massachusetts Massachusetts adopted a new State Constitution in 1780, to which a bill of rights was prefixed, which her Supreme Court soon after decided was inconsistent with the maintenan
charge of these constantly augmenting liabilities: and it became a matter of just complaint and uneasiness on the part of those States--Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, and South Carolina--which had no chartered claim to such lands much beyond the limits of their then actual settlements, that their partners in the efforts, resp a proposition; and thus the restriction failed through the absence of a member from New Jersey, rendering the vote of that State null for want of a quorum. Had Delaware been then represented, she might, and might not, have voted in the affirmative; but it is not probable that Georgia, had she been present, would have cast an affr. Holton ay, Ay.   Mr. Dane ay, New York Mr. Smith ay, Ay.   Mr. Haring ay,   Mr. Yates no, New Jersey Mr. Clarke ay, Ay.   Mr. Sherman ay, Delaware Mr. Kearney ay, Ay.   Mr. Mitchell ay, Virginia Mr. Grayson ay, Ay.   Mr. R. H. Lee ay,   Mr. Carrington ay, North Carolina Mr. Blount ay, Ay.
a from the Union. Mr. Baldwin has similar conceptions in the case of Georgia. Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) observed, that, if South Carolina and Georgia were thus disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite, because the importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is, in fact, a bounty on that article. Mr. Dickinson [of Delaware] expressed his sentiments as of a similar character. And Messrs. King and Langdon [of New Hampshire] were also in favor of giving the power to the General Government. General Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves in any short time; but only stop them occasionally, as she now does. He moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought ri
ed to promote the happiness and prosperity of the North-Western Country, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier. In the salutary operation of this sagacious and benevolent restraint, it is believed that the inhabitants of Indiana will, at no very distant day, find ample remuneration for a temporary privation of labor, and of emigration. The session terminated the next day; and the subject was, the next winter, referred to a new committee, whereof Caesar Rodney, of Delaware, was chairman. This committee reported in favor of a qualified suspension, for a limited time, of the inhibition aforesaid. But Congress took no action on the report. The people of Indiana Territory persisted in their seemingly unanimous supplication to be allowed, for a limited period, the use of Slave Labor; and Mr. Garnett, of Virginia, on the 14th of February, 1806, made another report from a Select Committee in favor of granting their request. But Congress never took this report
f it as precedes and includes the word convicted was adopted by 87 Yeas — all from the substantially Free States New York and New Jersey still held a few slaves, but the former had decreed their manumission. except one of the two members from Delaware--to 76 Nays, whereof ten were from Free States--Massachusetts (then including Maine) supplying three of them, New York three, with one each from New Jersey, New Hampshire, Ohio, and Illinois. The residue of the amendment was likewise sustained,e of their fathers' iniquities? The Legislatures of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania unanimously adopted and transmitted resolves in favor of the proposed Restriction; and like resolves were adopted by the Legislature of the Slave State of Delaware. A frank and forcible memorial from inhabitants of Boston and its vicinity, drafted by Daniel Webster, Then a recent emigrant to Massachusetts from the neighboring State of New Hampshire. and signed by the principal citizens of all part
orgia fair notice that she must behave herself. The Governor talked loudly, but did not see fit to proceed from words to blows. The Indian Springs fraud proved abortive; but Georgia and her backers scored up a heavy account against Mr. Adams, to be held good against him not only, but all future Yankee and Puritan aspirants to the Presidency. General Jackson was chosen President in 1828, receiving more than two-thirds of the Electoral votes, including those of all the Slave States but Delaware and a part of Maryland. In Georgia, there were two Jackson Electoral tickets run, but none for Adams. And the first Annual Message of the new President gave the Indians due notice that Georgia had not so voted from blind impulse — that their dearest rights, their most cherished possessions, were among her spoils of victory. In this Message, the solemn obligations which our Government had volunteered to assume, in treaty after treaty with the Creeks and Cherokees, were utterly ignored, an
s the worthiest citizens. Among them were, in Maryland, Samuel Chase, a signer of the Declaration, and Luther Martin, one of the framers of the Constitution; in Delaware, James A. Bayard, Father of one of her present U. S. Senators. afterward in Congress, and Caesar A. Rodney, who became Attorney-General. The Pennsylvania Socndantly refuted. Pennsylvania, New York, and doubtless most other States, by their acts of emancipation, imposed severe penalties on the exportation of slaves. Delaware, though a Slave State, long since did. and still does, the same. The North emerged from the Missouri struggle chafed and mortified. It felt that, with Rightcipation, which he had made, when a very young man, on the occasion of her organization as a State; but the response from the people was feeble and ineffective. Delaware has repeatedly endeavored to rid herself of Slavery by legislation; but partisan Democracy has uniformly opposed and defeated every movement looking to this end.
en an applicant for office at the hands of President Monroe, he had opposed the Missouri Restriction. Gen. Harrison was, therefore, on the whole, quite as acceptable, personally, to the Slave Power as Mr. Van Buren; and he received the votes of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana. He failed, however, to win the favor of Mr. Calhoun, and so had no considerable support in South Carolina; which State gave its vote, without opposition, to Mr. Van Burges to Birney; but New York alone would have secured Mr. Clay's election, giving him 141 electoral votes to 134 for his opponent. As it was, Mr. Clay received the electoral votes of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee--105 in all, being those of eleven States; while Mr. Polk was supported by Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Oregon being before Congress at this session, and referred in the Senate to a Select Committee, Mr. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, from that Committee, reported it with amendments establishing Territorial Governments also for New Mexico and Californids, Slavery was prohibited therein — was negatived; Yeas 88; Nays 114. On this division, Mr. John W. Houston (Whig), of Delaware, voted with the majority, which was otherwise entirely composed of members from Free States; eight NEW York.--Ausburnfrom Free States voted in the minority, otherwise composed of all the members from Slave States present, Mr. Houston, of Delaware, excepted. The bill then passed the House by a sectional vote — Yeas 128; Nays 71. In the Senate, Mr. Douglas Recse. On this memorable division, Messrs. Benton, Bright, Cameron, Dickinson, Douglas, Fitzgerald, Hannegan, Spruance, of Delaware, and Houston, of Texas, voted to yield to the House, leaving none but Senators from Slave States, and not all of them, i
would or could have done but for the Whig platform aforesaid; and they made their gain wholly at the expense of Gen. Scott. When the polls were closed and the result made manifest, it appeared that he had carried only the States of Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee--four in all, choosing 42 Electors; while Gen. Pierce had carried twenty-seven States, choosing 254 Electors. Never before was there such an overwhelming defeat of a party that had hoped for success. Even little Delaware had, for the first time — save only in the reelection of Monroe — voted for a Democratic President. But quite a number of States had been carried for Gen. Pierce by very close votes; so that the popular preponderance of his party was by no means so great as the electoral result would seem to indicate. In all the States except South Carolina (where the Electors are not chosen by the people, but where there was no serious opposition to Pierce and King) the popular vote summed up as follows:
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