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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,300 0 Browse Search
Joseph T. Derry , A. M. , Author of School History of the United States; Story of the Confederate War, etc., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 6, Georgia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 830 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 638 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 502 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 378 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 340 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 274 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 244 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 234 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 218 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Georgia (Georgia, United States) or search for Georgia (Georgia, United States) in all documents.

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, and immediately took its place in the column of the Second Brigade, under Col. Burnside. We continued in the column of the brigade until near the field of battle. On arriving at the battle field (at half-past 10 o'clock) we were ordered up to support the Rhode Island battery. Before arriving at the place indicated, we were ordered on to the crest of a hill in a field considerably to the right, exposed to the fire of the enemy's batteries. We here fired upon some battalions, said to be Georgia troops, who retired to the shelter of the woods opposite. After they retired the regiment was withdrawn under shelter of the brow of the hill. We were then ordered to the left, to support the Rhode Island battery. The men took their positions and fired several volleys. Colonel Marston was wounded here and carried to the rear. At 11.30 A. M. we were moved from here to a position on the left, and in advance of the Rhode Island battery, where we fired a few shots at the retreating enemy.
me us, but a few words brought the sufferers to their senses, and the prisoners were spared. In every other instance, however, after the act of battle was over, the feeling was kinder than it could have been before the fight began. I saw the soldiers share their water with them, which they could hardly spare themselves. Many of them were taken and cared for by the very men who shot them, and a friend, passing through the field when the fight was over, passed two wounded men, the one from Georgia, the other from New York. The New York man asked for water, and the wounded Georgian begged my friend for God's sake to give it to him; for that he himself had called upon a soldier from New York for water when his column was in retreat, and, though it was at the risk of his life, he ran to the trench and brought it. It was in search of water that Adjutant S. M. Wilkes, of the Fourth regiment, lost his life. He had escaped the perils of the fight, and rode to the camp for a drink of wa
ven entertaining hostile designs against the institutions of the South, checked as he must necessarily be by a Senate and judiciary, if not a House of Representatives, without one overt act, can justify any portion of the South, even to their own consciences, in an act of rebellion? There is one notable feature in the attitude of the South. The cry of disunion comes, not from those who suffer most from northern outrage, but from those who suffer least. It comes from South Carolina, and Georgia, and Alabama, and Mississippi, whose slave property is rendered comparatively secure by the intervention of other slaveholding States between them and the free States, and not from Delaware, and Maryland, and Virginia, and Kentucky, and Tennessee, and Missouri, which lose a hundred slaves by abolition thieves where the first-named States lose one. Why are not the States that suffer most, loudest in their cry for disunion? It is because their position enables them to see more distinctly th
d that embraced all people. This revolution has been inaugurated with a view of making a distinction upon the principles that I have indicated. We of Western Virginia have not been consulted upon that subject. The large body of your citizens in the eastern part of the State have not been consulted upon that subject. American institutions lie near to the heart of the masses of the people, all over this country, from one end of it to the other, though not as nearly perhaps in Louisiana, Georgia, and Texas, as in some of the Western and Northern States. This idea has been covertly advanced only in portions of Virginia. She has stood firm by the doctrines of the fathers of the Revolution up to within a very short period. Its propagators have attempted to force it upon us by terror and at the point of the bayonet. We have been driven into the position we occupy to-day, by the usurpers at the South, who have inaugurated this war upon the soil of Virginia, and have made it the gr
ts usurpations under the penalties of moral proscription or at the point of the bayonet. It has offered a premium for crime, in directing the discharge of volunteers from criminal prosecutions, and in recommending the Judges not to hold their courts. It has stained our statute-book with the repudiation of Northern debts, and has greatly violated the Constitution by attempting, through its unlawful extension, to destroy the right of suffrage. It has called upon the people in the State of Georgia, and may soon require the people of Tennessee, to contribute all their surplus cotton, corn, wheat, bacon, beef, &c., to the support of pretended Governments, alike destitute of money and credit. It has attempted to destroy the accountability of public servants to the people by secret legislation, and has set the obligation of an oath at defiance. It has passed laws declaring it treason to say or do any thing in the favor of the Government of the United States, and such a law is n
1/2.-views of a Southerner. We are permitted by a friend in Charleston to publish the following extracts from a private letter lately received from a distinguished statesman and able citizen, now in retirement: I thought also that if only Georgia would secede with South Carolina, the North would see at once the folly of any attempt at coercion, and acknowledge our independence. But, lo! after seven States had seceded and formed a new and glorious Constitution, they make war upon us; ano anticipate the revenue, and so much of the growing crop as planters can give up. How can it do it? Your papers are silent on the recent act authorizing a loan. It is not at all understood in the country, and nobody comes here, as Stephens in Georgia, to enlighten the people and stir them up. We all know that our all is on the issue, but we don't know how to make it tell. I know, and all could soon be made to know, that if the Confederate Government goes down we all go down, and that pro
onies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States. The phrase one people, applied to the people of the United Colonies, can leave no doubt of the view they entertained of their relation to each other. They considered themselves united, as one people, and they referred to a Union then already in being. Looking still further back in the record of events, we find that on the 5th of September, 1774, the Continental Congress, composed of delegates from all the Colonies except Georgia--which was afterwards represented — was convened in Philadelphia. Though as far back as 1637 the idea of a confederacy between some of the Colonies had been presented; though a convention was held in Boston, in 1643, to form a confederacy among the New England Colonies; though in 1754 a Congress of delegates from seven Colonies was convened at Albany, and unanimously resolved that a union of the Colonies was absolutely necessary for their preservation; and a similar Congress of delegates
Doc. 66.-message of President Lincoln. July 4, 1861. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:--Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post-Office Department. Within these States all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, Custom-Houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this Government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized, had been put in improved condition, n
and from all the Northern States, united with the delegates from the Old Dominion and from the Palmetto State, and from Georgia, the youngest and last of the Colonies, then not numbering more than fifty thousand of population — they united in this the maintenance of it they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor--Massachusetts side by side with Georgia, John Hancock at their head, and, strange to say, to-day, the people of Massachusetts and the Northern States are reverse no doubt that all minors and trust property will soon be invested in it. The entire amount of private funds in the State of Georgia, on private loans, I suppose is ten or twenty millions of dollars at seven per cent. All that amount will immediatelmy wish, my desire, and my council would be to raise men enough immediately from the mountains to the seaboard to do it. Georgia has already done well. I was proud of my State--proud of her origin, of her history, of her resources, and proud of her
erwise wounded, 8; in all, 12. On the other side eight were killed on the field; three died in hospital, and some ten were more or less severely wounded. They carried off many of the wounded in wagons; how many was not known. Prisoners were taken in any quantity; the scouts kept bringing them in all night and the next day till I left. The hills were full of them, and doubtless our forces had more on hand than they could provide for. Among the captured were many officers, including six Georgia captains and lieutenants, a surgeon of the army, (from Richmond,) and a number of non-commissioned officers. We captured two stands of colors, one of the Georgia regiment; one rifled cannon; forty loaded wagons; hundreds of muskets and side arms; the army chest, but how valuable I did not learn; with amount of personal effects and military equipments. This action must speak for itself. To pursue and overtake an enemy having twelve hours the advance; a forced march of nearly thirty mi
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