hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,016 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 573 1 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 458 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore) 394 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 392 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 384 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 304 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 258 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 256 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 244 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery.. You can also browse the collection for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) or search for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 76 results in 10 document sections:

nt that there must be uniformity in the local laws and domestic institutions of each and all the States of the Union ; and he therefore invites all the non-slaveholding States to band together, organize as one body, and make war upon slavery, in Kentucky, upon slavery in Virginia, upon the Carolinas, upon slavery in all of the slaveholding States in this Union, and to persevere in that war until it shall be exterminated. He then notifies the slaveholding States to stand together as a unit and mnot otherwise. The rich negro can vote, but the poor one cannot. Although that distinction does not commend itself to my judgment, yet I assert that the sovereign power of New York had a right to prescribe that form of the elective franchise. Kentucky, Virginia and other States have provided that negroes, or a certain class of them in those States, shall be slaves having neither civil or political rights. Without indorsing the wisdom of that decision, I assert that Virginia has the same powe
body's business but our own. If the people in Kentucky do not like it, they need not come here to lihe was head and shoulders above them all, was Kentucky's great and gallant statesman, John J. Critte successor of the immortal Clay, and well may Kentucky be proud of him. I will not withhold, either,ress any power over the subject of slavery in Kentucky, or Virginia, or any other State of this Unioa war of sections, a war between Illinois and Kentucky, a war between the free States and the slave end to introduce a bill to abolish slavery in Kentucky? Does he intend to introduce a bill to interng, wisely or unwisely. It is a question for Kentucky to decide for herself. I believe that the Kel not judge them lest I shall be judged. Let Kentucky mind her own business, and take care of her n, and we will be the best of friends ; but if Kentucky attempts to interfere with us, or we with here. It is not necessary that you should enter Kentucky and interfere in that State, to use the langu[6 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) (search)
slavery, hence he does not propose to go into Kentucky and stir up a civil war and a servile war bet Mr. Lincoln says that he will not enter into Kentucky to abolish slavery there, but that all he will do is to fight slavery in Kentucky from Illinois. He will not go over there to set fire to the maan. He would not deem it wise to go over into Kentucky to stir up this strife, but he would do it fr States, he says, Why, I never did enter into Kentucky to interfere with her ; I do not propose to dueless in the tobacco regions of Virginia and Kentucky ; the laws which would suit the manufacturingdinance, passed a law allowing you to go into Kentucky, buy slaves' and bring them into the Territorso, be it so. There is no cause to complain. Kentucky has decided that it is not consistent with hestitution of the country. The sovereignty of Kentucky, and that alone, can decide that question, anState to decide the question for itself. Let Kentucky, or South Carolina, or any other State, attem[5 more...]
uniform. What is there in the language of that speech which expresses such purpose, or bears such construction? I have again and again said that I would not enter into any of the States to disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said, at Bloomington, that I used language most able and ingenious for concealing what I really meant ; and that while I had protested against entering into the slave States, I nevertheless did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio and throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb them in their domestic institutions. I said, in that speech, and I meant no more, that the institution of slavery ought to be placed in the very attitude where the framers of this Government placed it and left it. I do not understand that the framers of our Constitution left the people of the free States in the attitude of firing bombs or shells into the slave States. I was not using that passage for the purpose for which he infers I did use it. I said : We are now far adva
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
that the negro is or can be a citizen under the Constitution. Now, I hold that Illinois had a right to abolish and prohibit slavery as she did, and I hold that Kentucky has the same right to continue and protect slavery that Illinois had to abolish it. I hold that New York had as much right to abolish slavery as Virginia has to on all things, local and domestic, instead of Congress interfering, we will continue at peace one with another. Why should Illinois be at war with Missouri, or Kentucky with Ohio, or Virginia with New York, merely because their institutions differ? Our fathers intended that our institutions should differ. They knew that the No country — I ask your attention to them. In the first place, what is necessary to make the institution national? Not war. There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets, and, with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet, march into Illinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our going over th
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
s principles in Louisiana as well as in Massachusetts, in Kentucky as well as in Illinois. Since that period, a great revolcal principles that I could not avow in the same terms in Kentucky that I declared in Illinois, in Charleston as well as in estion for ourselves, we must recognize the same right in Kentucky and in every other State to make the same decision, or a wn policy with reference to the black race, we must leave Kentucky and Missouri and every other State perfectly free to make such a decision as they see proper on that question. Kentucky has decided that question for herself. She has said thats have been men who have sold their slaves in Alabama and Kentucky, and have come here and turned Abolitionists whilst spendd, and I do not know that an Abolitionist from Indiana or Kentucky ought to have any more credit because he was born and raised among slaveholders. I do not know that a native of Kentucky is more excusable because raised among slaves, his father a
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
tional in their character — have avowed their principles alike in the slave and free States, in Kentucky as well as Illinois, in Louisiana as well as in Massachusetts. Such was the case with the old eholding State of this Union. Is there a Republican residing in Galesburgh who can travel into Kentucky and carry his principles with him across the Ohio? What Republican from Massachusetts can visif. We have said that in this State the negro shall not be a slave, nor shall he be a citizen. Kentucky holds a different doctrine. New York holds one different from either, and Maine one different as it pleases. Illinois had as much right to adopt the policy which we have on that subject as Kentucky had to adopt a different policy. The great principle of this Government is, that each State han for herself. and mind her own business and let her neighbors alone, we will be at peace with Kentucky, and every other Southern State. If every other State in the Union will do the same there will
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
e Mississippi river on your ferry-boats. They cannot cross over the Ohio into Kentucky. Lincoln himself cannot visit the land of his fathers, the scenes of his chilbring slavery in a course of ultimate extinction? How can he extinguish it in Kentucky, in Virginia, in all the slave States by his policy, if he will not pursue a pes, and it does not become Mr. Lincoln, or anybody else, to tell the people of Kentucky that they have no consciences, that they are living in a state of iniquity, antood me as trying to sustain the doctrine that we have a right to quarrel with Kentucky, or Virginia, or any of the slave States, about the institution of slavery-thu, nor the belief in the existence of the right to interfere with the States of Kentucky or Virginia in doing as they pleased with slavery or any other existing institation of this appeal to me in Indiana, to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a general declaration in the act announcing to the world the independe
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
elves whether it is a wise policy for you. If you choose to follow our example, very good ; if you reject it, still well, it is your business, not ours. So with Kentucky. Let Kentucky adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do not like it we will keep away from it, and if she does not like ours let her stay at home, mind her own Kentucky adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do not like it we will keep away from it, and if she does not like ours let her stay at home, mind her own business and let us alone. If the people of all the States will act on that great principle, and each State mind its own business, attend to its own affairs, take care of its own negroes and not meddle with its neighbors, then there will be peace between the North and the South, the East and the West, throughout the whole Union. Declaration of Independence. Hear what Mr. Clay said : And what is the foundation of this appeal to me in Indiana, to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a general declaration in the act announcing to the world the independence of the thirteen American colonies, that all men are created equal. Now, as an
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Cincinnati, Ohio, Oh September, 1859. (search)
uckians about this audience ; me are close to Kentucky ; and whether that be so or not, we are on eluglas is preparing the public mind for you of Kentucky, to make perpetual that good thing in your esvery well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will never winther property would be just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you. There in illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is separated by this River Ohio, noKentucky is separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is further north than thKentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is further north than this portion of Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery-Ohio is entirKentucky is entirely covered with slavery-Ohio is entirely free from it. What made that difference? Was it climate? No! A portion of Kentucky was furtherding for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argument[7 more...]