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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,078 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 442 0 Browse Search
Brig.-Gen. Bradley T. Johnson, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 2.1, Maryland (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 440 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 430 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 324 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 306 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 284 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 254 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 5. (ed. Frank Moore) 150 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Maryland (Maryland, United States) or search for Maryland (Maryland, United States) in all documents.

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crats, and liberty men,—forgetting alike all former differences, and uniting in a common opposition to the Slave Power. There, by their delegates, was the formidable and unsubdued Democracy of New York; there also was the devoted, inflexible Liberty party of the country; there also were the true-hearted whigs and democrats of all the Free States, who in this great cause of Freedom have been, among the faithless, faithful found. There also were welcome delegates from the Slave States,—from Maryland and Virginia,—anxious to join in this new and truly holy alliance. In uncounted multitude,—mighty in numbers, mightier still in the harmony and unity of their proceedings,— this Convention consummated the object for which it was called. It has presented to the country a platform of principles, and candidates who are the exponents of these principles. In their support the representatives of the parties there assembled,—whigs, democrats, and liberty men,—all united. In the strength
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
crats, and liberty men,—forgetting alike all former differences, and uniting in a common opposition to the Slave Power. There, by their delegates, was the formidable and unsubdued Democracy of New York; there also was the devoted, inflexible Liberty party of the country; there also were the true-hearted whigs and democrats of all the Free States, who in this great cause of Freedom have been, among the faithless, faithful found. There also were welcome delegates from the Slave States,—from Maryland and Virginia,—anxious to join in this new and truly holy alliance. In uncounted multitude,—mighty in numbers, mightier still in the harmony and unity of their proceedings,— this Convention consummated the object for which it was called. It has presented to the country a platform of principles, and candidates who are the exponents of these principles. In their support the representatives of the parties there assembled,—whigs, democrats, and liberty men,—all united. In the strength
ent, and also from the absence of a Bill of Rights. Massachusetts, on ratifying the Constitution, proposed a series of amendments, at the head of which was this, characterized by Samuel Adams, in the Convention, as A summary of a Bill of Rights: That it be explicitly declared, that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States, to be by them exercised. Virginia, South Carolina, and North Carolina, with minorities in Pennsylvania and Maryland, united in this proposition. In pursuance of these recommendations, the first Congress presented for adoption the following article, which, being ratified by a proper number of States, became part of the Constitution, as the 10th amendment: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Stronger words could not be employed to limit the power under the Constitution, and t
783, inclusive. Number of continental troops.Number of militia.Total militia & continental troops.Conjectural estimate of militia. Northern States. New Hampshire12,4962,09314,5987,300 Massachusetts67,93715,15583,092 9,500 Rhode Island5,9084,28410,192 1,500 Connecticut32,0397,79239,831 3,000 New York17,7813,31221,093 8,750 Pennsylvania25,6087,35732,965 2,000 New Jersey10,7276,05516,782 2,500 ———————— Total172,49646,048218,553 30,950 Southern States. Delaware2,3873762,7631,000 Maryland13,9125,46419,3764,000 Virginia26,6724,16330,83521,880 North Carolina7,2632,7169,96912,000 South Carolina5,508——5,50828,000 Georgia2,679——2,6799,930 ———————— Total58,42112,71971,13076,810 It should be understood that, at this time, there was but little difference in numbers between the population of the Southern States and that of the Northern States. By the census of 1790, the Southern had a population of 1,956,354; the Northern had a population o
k of devising measures to redress the wrongs of a member of this body and to vindicate the honor and dignity of the Senate. As no Democratic Senator proposed any action, Mr. Seward offered a resolution for a committee of five members, to be appointed by the President, to inquire into the assault and to report the facts, together with their opinion thereon. On motion of Mr. Mason, the resolution was so amended as to provide that the committee should be chosen by the Senate; and Pearce of Maryland, Cass of Michigan, Dodge of Wisconsin, Allen of Rhode Island and Geyer of Missouri, were selected. The committee was chosen wholly from the Democratic party, and contained no one friendly to Mr. Sumner. The same day, Lewis D. Campbell introduced a resolution into the House of Representatives reciting the particulars of the assault, and proposing a select committee of five to report such action as might be proper for the vindication of the House. After a brief debate, the resolution was a
avis and walked with him in the park near the City Hall. He then, at that hour, supposed he should meet Brooks early the next morning; and he confided to his colleague some matters to be used in case he should fall. At parting he remarked: I do not hate Brooks, but I shall kill him. Mr. Campbell, who wrote the reply to the challenge, decided that the meeting should be held near the Clifton House in Canada, and sent Mr. Burlingame, late in the night, to take the cars, at the junction in Maryland, for that place. But Brooks declined to meet Burlingame at the place designated, on the alleged ground that, in the then excited state of public feeling at the North, it would not be safe for him to undertake the journey. The friends of freedom generally regretted the course of Mr. Burlingame, though they were not unmindful of the salutary influence which such a response was calculated to exert upon men who had depended largely upon the unwillingness of Northern men to adopt their self-
eral States, to be by them exercised. Virginia, South Carolina, and North Carolina, with minorities in Pennsylvania and Maryland, united in this proposition. In pursuance of these recommendations, the first Congress presented for adoption the folloJersey10,7276,05516,782 2,500 ———————— Total172,49646,048218,553 30,950 Southern States. Delaware2,3873762,7631,000 Maryland13,9125,46419,3764,000 Virginia26,6724,16330,83521,880 North Carolina7,2632,7169,96912,000 South Carolina5,508——5,5082 Mr. Mason, the resolution was so amended as to provide that the committee should be chosen by the Senate; and Pearce of Maryland, Cass of Michigan, Dodge of Wisconsin, Allen of Rhode Island and Geyer of Missouri, were selected. The committee was ch held near the Clifton House in Canada, and sent Mr. Burlingame, late in the night, to take the cars, at the junction in Maryland, for that place. But Brooks declined to meet Burlingame at the place designated, on the alleged ground tha
hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever. And here is the definition supplied by the Civil Code of Louisiana:— A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor. He can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire anything, but what must belong to his master. In similar spirit the law of Maryland thus indirectly defines a slave as an article:— In case the personal property of a ward shall consist of specific articles, such as slaves, working beasts, animals of any kind, . . . . the court, if it shall deem it advantageous for the ward, may at any time pass an order for the sale thereof. Not to occupy time unnecessarily, I present a summary of the pretended law defining Slavery in all the Slave States, as made by a careful writer, Judge Stroud, in a work of juridical as wel
ly. semi-weekly, weekly, semi-monthly, monthly, or quarterly,—and whatever their character, whether literary, neutral, political, religious, or scientific. The. whole aggregate circulation in the Free States is 334,146,281, in the Slave States 81,038,693; in Free Michigan 3,247,736, in Slave Arkansas 377,000; in Free Ohio 30,473,407, in Slave Kentucky 6,582,838; in Slave South Carolina 7,145,930, in Free Massachusetts 64,820,564,—a larger number than in the twelve Slave States, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, combined. This enormous disproportion in the aggregate is also preserved in the details. In the Slave States political newspapers find more favor than all others together; but even of these they publish only 47,243,209 copies, while the Free States publish 163,583,668. Numerous as are political newspapers in the Free States, they form considerably less than one-half the aggr
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
e power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor. He can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire anything, but what must belong to his master. In similar spirit the law of Maryland thus indirectly defines a slave as an article:— In case the personal property of a ward shall consist of specific articles, such as slaves, working beasts, animals of any kind, . . . . the court, if it shall deem it advantageous for the wa038,693; in Free Michigan 3,247,736, in Slave Arkansas 377,000; in Free Ohio 30,473,407, in Slave Kentucky 6,582,838; in Slave South Carolina 7,145,930, in Free Massachusetts 64,820,564,—a larger number than in the twelve Slave States, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, combined. This enormous disproportion in the aggregate is also preserved in the details. In the Slave States political newspaper
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