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s, Steinwehr's and the Garibaldi Guard, moving in order before them. Still in advance of these was the DeKalb regiment, also intact. But beyond all was tumult again, and even to the city itself the wretched disorder and confusion had reached. I was told that a few regiments, beside the three faithful ones of Blenker's brigade, had come in in fair order; and that they were the 2d and 3d Michigan, and the Massachusetts 1st, of Richardson's brigade. I should be glad if it were so. The Massachusetts men won more honor on Thursday than should have been recklessly sacrificed so soon after. But this is their own statement. I did not see them arrayed upon the field to resist the tempest that swept through our ranks, and I am still unaware that any part of the army evaded that dreadful panic, excepting the three regiments whose honest claims to the gratitude of the country I have endeavored to assert. Apart from the panic, we lost the battle in a perfectly legitimate way. In numbers
A general rush took place among the prisoners — they all stepping forward. He then allowed Atwood Crosby, of Maine, to take care of his brother, who was wounded in the back, and five others: Tompkins, Company C, Seventy-first; John Hand, of Massachusetts; a young boy of the Second Rhode Island, about 17 years old; Deegan, of the Twenty-seventh, and another, an assistant to a Maine surgeon, and his servant, who cooked for the prisoners, under the direction of Tompkins. The rest were kept out Elizabeth-town, N. J., also died; wounded in legs. Doctors were not there to amputate. George Sayne and John P. Morrissey, both of the Seventy-first, also died Wednesday morning, within one hour of each other, lying side by side. Mead, of Massachusetts, a wealthy shoe-manufacturer, died while having his thigh amputated. Several others died, whose names I could not learn, numbering in all 32. On Tuesday evening, six of the doctors came back on parole — Drs. Peugnet, Swift, Winston, De Gr
So far, there has been astonishingly little bloodshed, and it seems likely to prove civil in more senses than one. The alienation which has long existed between the North and South may teach us to be sparing of our rhetoric about fratricide. The Americans are brothers much as all people that on earth do dwell are brothers, but there has been far more real fellowship of feeling between Frenchmen and Englishmen during the last forty years than between the citizens of South Carolina and Massachusetts. As for the causes of the present strife, they are infinitely more respectable than the keys of the Holy Sepulchre, which took us to the Crimea, and cost the lives of tens of thousands of Englishmen. Finally, it is not true that democracy in America is unlimited, as the writer will find by turning to M. de Tocqueville. One great object of the framers of the American Constitution was to limit the power of the people. Both in the mode of its election and its appointment of its represent
United States with that of individual States, there is at least an instructive analogy between them. What would be the condition of the State of New York, of Massachusetts, or of Pennsylvania, for example, if portions containing their great commercial cities, invoking original rights as paramount to social and constitutional comprn, and be with us again. An early adjustment that will retain all the rest, and bind them even the closer together, would carry joy through the land. Even Massachusetts, so much given of late to sentimental politics and mischievous philanthropy, will be glad to adjust on fair terms. Of this I feel satisfied. A reaction of opinion has evidently already begun there. And who is not desirous to retain Massachusetts? Who can, without pain, meditate her possible loss to the Union? The first blood in our first mighty conflict was shed on her soil, and the first blow there struck for and in the defence of the rights of all. In the Senate, and in the field,
hy and Despotism. Does he mean to intimate that there is danger of a Despotism? or of simple Monarchy? or would he have the People afraid of a limited Monarchy? In truth, Mr. H. [Hancock] himself is a limited monarch. The Constitution of Massachusetts is a limited monarchy. So is the new Constitution of the United States. Both have very great monarchical powers, and the real defects of both are, that they have not enough to make the first magistrate an independent and effectual balance tin his prayer, and Mr. H. in his message, either understood not the force of the words they have used, or they have made the most insidious attack on the new Constitution that has yet appeared. With two such popular characters at the head of Massachusetts, so near to Rhode Island; with Governor Clinton at the head of New York, and Governor Henry in Virginia, so near to North Carolina, there is some reason to be jealous. A convulsion with such men engaged openly, or secretly, in favor of it, w
ple? Why, even before the Union was a fact in history, the feeling in the North in reference to it was expressed by James Otis, one of the leading patriots of Massachusetts, in the Convention of 1765, in the hope that a Union would be formed, which should knit and work together into the very blood and bones of the original system for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. * * * The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congresas having enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them, it is absolutely true that only four--Vermont, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Wisconsin--had any such laws on their statute books! But had such been enacted by every non-slaveholding State, they were unconstitutional and
the western States gave abundant evidence that the people were resolved on the most ample, satisfactory, constitutional guarantees as the price of the restoration of the Union--then it was that a long and agonized howl came up from defeated and disappointed politicians. The newspaper press teemed with appeals and threats to the President; the mails groaned under the weight of letters demanding a change of policy, while a secret conclave of the Governors of the States of Ohio, New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and other States convened in this city and promised men and money to carry on the irrepressible conflict; and thus it was that a party in the pangs of dissolution, in the very hour and article of death, demanded vigorous measures which could restore it to life, but at the expense of civil war-and nothing else. But there was yet another cause — the passage of the ill-digested and unstatesmanlike tariff bill, (Morrill's.) About the same time the Confederate Congress adopte
f the governed. In the announcement of this principle, the delegation from Massachusetts, and from Rhode Island, and from Connecticut, and from all the Northern Stance of it they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor--Massachusetts side by side with Georgia, John Hancock at their head, and, strange to say, to-day, the people of Massachusetts and the Northern States are reversing the position of our fathers, and are demanding to rule, to govern, to coerce, to subjugateity, but the independence of each Colony or State was recognized by itself--Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and Connecticut and Virginia, each one by itself; each onland or Missouri is down-trodden, or overridden by his myrmidons or even in Massachusetts if any freeman rises up in the land of Hancock to-day, and says or affirms e people of the South can govern themselves as they please,--that for which Massachusetts once upon a time pledged honor and fortune and every thing dear — if a free
as they had ever been to defend by their strong arms every right these self-made enemies of theirs had ever enjoyed. Every attention was shown the enemy's wounded by our surgeons. Limbs were amputated, wounds were dressed with the same care with which our own brave volunteers were treated. The wound on the battle-field removed all differences — in the hospital all were alike, the objects of a common humanity that left none beyond its limits. Among the enemy's wounded was a young Massachusetts boy, who had received a wound in the leg. He had been visiting in the South, and had been impressed into the rebel ranks. As soon as the battle began, he broke from the rebel ranks and attempted to run down the hill and cross over to our side. His own lieutenant saw him in the act, and shot him with a revolver! Listen to such a tale as that I did, by the side of the sad young sufferer, and tell me if your blood does not boil warmer than ever before, as you think, not of the poor delud
od as a dictator. Is any thing more necessary to show that, so far as that Senator is concerned, he proposed to conduct the contest without regard to the Constitution? I heard no rebuke administered to the eminent Senator, but, on the contrary, I saw warm congratulations, and the Senator declared that, unless the people of these States were willing to obey the Federal Government, they must be reduced to the condition of territories, and, he added, he would govern them by governors from Massachusetts and Illinois. This was said seriously, and afterwards repeated. Mr. Baker (Or.) explained. He said he was delivering a speech against giving too much power to the President, and was keeping his usual constitutional, guarded position against an increase of the standing army, and gave, as an excuse for voting for the bill, the present state of public affairs. He did say he would take some risk of despotism, and repeated that he would risk a little to save all. He hoped the States wou
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