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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 836 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 532 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 480 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 406 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 350 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 332 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 322 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 310 0 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 294 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Missouri (Missouri, United States) or search for Missouri (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 78 results in 9 document sections:

ole country, however, for and in behalf of its industrial policy, it did not for an instant doubt. It was not empty braggadocio on the part of the celebrated Robert Toombs, of Georgia, when he uttered his famous boast. See page 13. He voiced the practically unanimous opinion of his section. Nor was there anything seemingly very presumptuous in that anticipation. So far, the South had been invariably victorious. In what appeared to be a decisive battle in the test case of admitting Missouri into the Union as a slave State, it had won. So pronounced was its triumph that whatever Anti-Slavery sentiment survived the conflict appeared to be stunned and helpless. All fight was knocked out of it. Its spirit was broken. While the South was not only compact and fully alive, but exultingly aggressive, the North was divided, fully one half of its population being about as pro-slavery as the slaveholders themselves, and the rest, with rare exceptions, being hopelessly apathetic. The N
tion of the greater number of those who were interested in the arguments. He did not act as if he cared for the applause of the multitude. He said nothing, apparently, simply to tickle the ears of his hearers. Rather strange was it that the only points on which there did not appear to be much, if any, difference between the two men were reached when they came to the propositions they advocated. Douglas was avowedly pro-slavery. He was talking in southern Illinois and on the border of Missouri, to which many of his hearers belonged, and his audience was mostly Southern in its feelings. He was plainly trying to please that element. He not only approved of slavery where it was, but metaphorically jumped on the negro and trampled all over him. He denied that the negro was a man within the meaning of the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln, however, as far as slavery in the States was involved, met Douglas on his own ground, and went him one better. He said, I have on all occasi
r of a religious journal in which he expressed, in very moderate terms, an opinion that was not favorable to slave-holding. The supporters of the institution were aroused at once. They demanded a retraction. I have sworn eternal hostility to slavery, and by the blessing of God I will never go back, was his reply. He also declared, We have slaves here, but I am not one of them. It was deemed advisable by Mr. Lovejoy and his friends to move his printing establishment to Alton, opposite Missouri, in the free State of Illinois. There, however, a pro-slavery antagonism immediately developed. His press was seized and thrown into the Mississippi River. The same fate awaited two others that were procured. But, undismayed, Mr. Lovejoy and his friends once more decided that their rights and liberties should not be surrendered without a further effort. Another press was sent for. But in the meanwhile a violent public agitation had arisen. At the instance of certain pro-slavery leader
n, when, in fact, the proclamation never applied to Kentucky at all. The emancipationists of Missouri were working hard to free their State from slavery, and they would have been only too glad to h but got no satisfaction. The emancipationists of Maryland had much the same experience. Both Missouri and Maryland were left out of the proclamation, as were Tennessee and Kentucky and Delaware, anally in the border slave States, where he was able to hold them pretty well in check, except in Missouri. There they stood up and fought him, and in the end beat him. One of the rather curious resulth the President's influence was practically supreme, gave an adverse vote of four to one, while Missouri, with whose radical emancipationists he had continuously been at loggerheads, ratified the amenitions. His thirtyseven-year-liberation scheme, his tinkering off policy (as he called it) for Missouri, his reconstruction proposals, and his colonization projects, all failed. Indeed, if we take h
wer rather than as a leader. While a resident of the slave State of Missouri, I twice voted for Mr. Lincoln, which was some evidence of myugh — face. Nevertheless, quite a number of them where I lived in Missouri voted for him. Missouri was the only State he carried, and there hMissouri was the only State he carried, and there he had less than five hundred majority. He got more than that many free-soil votes. I was strongly tempted to give him mine. Chiefly on acco Anti-Slavery people of the border slave States, and especially of Missouri. The grounds for my objection on that score will appear in the neginal Abolitionism that was to be found, was in a slave State. In Missouri there was an organized opposition to slavery that had been maintaiere, it remained in its independence and integrity in slaveholding Missouri, where it kept up a struggle for free soil, and in four years so fd his task would now be completed but for the movement in the State of Missouri, to which reference has just been made. That manifestation,
surprisingly short time after the question of Missouri's status in reference to the Union was decideed that, after it had settled the question of Missouri's relations to the Union, with reference to we writer was once a member of a delegation of Missouri Charcoals that went to Washington to see the our mission was fruitless. The Radicals of Missouri sent deputation after deputation to the Whiteere such a horrible condition as prevailed in Missouri. Singly and in squads a good many of Price'sessful were the Rebel bands at this time that Missouri was not large enough to hold them. One of th the military administration you maintain in Missouri, their blood will be upon your garments and nnating Mr. Lincoln by a vote that, outside of Missouri's, was unanimous, admitted the Charcoals and there was a contest ahead with his professed Missouri supporters, a better understanding with him mf Claims. He made two or three other leading Missouri Radicals foreign ministers and officially rem[16 more...]
Chapter 21: Missouri-continued Here follows an extract from the published proceedings of the Ntion that has been so kind to the Radicals of Missouri, but we came here instructed. We represent that resolution I cast the twenty-two votes of Missouri for them an who stands at the head of the figan of my delegation, I pronounced his name as Missouri's choice I remained on my feet for fully a miline the intended compliment. Grant lived in Missouri for a considerable period, married there, andeliefs, calling them materialist Missourians, Missouri agnostics, etc., etc. Now, after having lisecured would have overrun both the States of Missouri and Kansas. A large preponderance of the Amedid not understand. Many of the Germans of Missouri had seen service in the Old World. They had tory. His recall gave up nearly the whole of Missouri to the enemy, and was one of the causes of cosaved four years of contention and turmoil in Missouri, spent in upholding a tottering institution t[1 more...]
t have been made to General Frank P. Blair of Missouri have not been complimentary to that individuaat least temporary control of the entire State of Missouri, and possibly of Kansas as well. To thahe leader in the movement was none other than Missouri's Governor, Claiborne F. Jackson, who was jushat was practically immediate emancipation in Missouri. He said that was the right kind of talk, anf General. If you contemplate remaining in Missouri, said the older man to the junior, you should take the Southern side. Missouri is a slave State and a Southern State, and she will naturally go d the commandant of the St. Louis District in Missouri. Lane came to St. Louis and had a talk with Sterling Price, in making his last raid into Missouri, was threatening St. Louis with an army of necognized no right of property in man, as many Missouri slaveholders learned to their sorrow. I was iment that had just returned from a raid into Missouri, bringing many black people with it. Fellow s[4 more...]
135. Blair, Gen. Frank P., 158, 186-191; and Missouri emancipationists, i 6; and Missouri AbolitionMissouri Abolitionists, 188; appearance of, 189; fearlessness, 189; quarrel with Fremont, 189; and capture of Camp Jac of, 18. Chapman, Mrs. Henry, 33. Charcoals, Missouri, 159; delegation to President, 162, 166; fight for Free Missouri, 162; appeal to President for protection, 166-168. Chase, Salmon P., 10, 13, 14on ordinance of, 163; and military control of Missouri, 163. Garrison, William Lloyd, 13 21, 26, 20eneral, 44; and Charcoals, 172; nomination by Missouri Radicals, 174-176; capture of Fort Donelson, Wentworth, 204. Hints toward Emancipation in Missouri, 158. Hollie, Sally, 205. Hopper, Isaac, 205s of, 134-135; and emancipation, 136-149; and Missouri Compromise, 139; message to Minister Dayton ov. S. T., Recollections, 08. Mexican War, 44. Missouri, 157-185; Compromise, 6, 12, 139-140; admissiofield, Gen. John M., and military control of Missouri, 163-164; charges against, 164; relieved from[2 more...]