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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 332 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 110 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 68 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 32 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 28 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 24 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 22 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 20 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 20 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 20 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) or search for Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 5 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ys interested in beneficent internal improvements, especially in those which were immediately connected with the advance of civilization. As early as 1853 he gave a God-speed to a railway from the Atlantic to the Pacific, by sending a Fourth-of-July toast to the mayor of Boston, in which he treated it as marking an epoch of human progress second only to that of the Declaration of Independence. Works, vol. III. p. 228. This enterprise was then regarded—at a period when as yet the Kansas-Nebraska question had not made the intervening territory familiar to the public mind—as visionary, or only practicable at some distant day. Ten years later, and six years before its consummation, he wrote to persons who were promoting it Ibid., vol. VII. pp. 318, 319.:— I have always voted for the Pacific Railroad; and now that it is authorized by Congress, I follow it with hope and confidence. It is a great work; but science has already shown it to be practicable. Let the road be built,<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
instruments of parliamentary warfare to defeat a measure which he believed to be dangerous. He counselled the senator from Illinois to look at the clock and note that it was twenty-five minutes to eleven, with Sunday morning near, and that efforts to force a vote would be fruitless, like sowing salt in the sand by the seashore. He compared Trumbull's attempt to cram the resolution down the throats of the Senate to that of another senator from Illinois (Douglas), who brought in his Kansas-Nebraska bill in precisely the same manner—proudly, confidently, almost menacingly, with the declaration that it was to pass in twenty-four hours, precisely as the senator from Illinois now speaks; and he invoked the Senate to devote the remnant of the session to practical measures instead of consuming it with a bantling not a week old. Doolittle called the American people to witness the scene in the Senate, and particularly the senator from Massachusetts—one of five only among the Administration s
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consoliesident again vetoed the bill. Sumner, just before the close of the session, made an ineffectual effort to incorporate the same condition in the bill to admit Nebraska, the constitution of which had expressly confined suffrage to white male citizens; but only four senators voted with him, two of whom were Edmunds and Fessenden. The President signed the resolution, though under protest against the preamble. Sumner, though failing to apply his condition of equal suffrage to Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee, or to establish the equality in any statute or constitutional amendment, had by his constant insistence on the principle materially adva
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
s vote, notwithstanding the President's veto. The bill for the admission of Nebraska as a State, with a constitution limiting suffrage to white citizens, which faied people in the Territory; that it was not just to forbid a discrimination in Nebraska, which was established in many of the existing States; that the condition impoof exclusion which Sumner had characterized as odious and offensive in that of Nebraska. Dec. 14, 19, 1866; Jan. 8, 1867. Works, vol. x. pp. 504-523. Sumner remSenate voted impartial suffrage as a fundamental condition in the admission of Nebraska and Colorado, it took up the House bill, which prohibited the denial of the elent, and not a finality. I think you will be satisfied with the result on Nebraska and Colorado. The declaration that there shall be no exclusion from the electy is not committed to negro suffrage. You have (1) The District bill; (2) The Nebraska bill; (3) The Colorado bill; and (4) The Territorial bill passed today, decla
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
n it in its leaders, and hardly any journals of wide influence gave it special attention. Sumner's failure to support it and his preference for an Act of Congress did not provoke criticism in the newspapers or among his constituents; but senators opposed to him in later debates did not forego the opportunity to recall his peculiar action at this time. He however yielded a ready assent to the amendment after it had passed, promoted its adoption by the States, He wrote to the governor of Nebraska in favor of his convening the Legislature in order to act upon its adoption. and joined in congratulations when it was proclaimed a part of the Constitution. April 1, 1870. Works, vol. XIII. pp. 350-352. Shortly after the close of the war, claims for injury by our army to private property situated in the rebel States and belonging to persons domiciled there (loyal, or pretending to be so) were urged on Congress, often with the assertion of special merit and hardship and an appeal t