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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 644 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 128 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 104 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 74 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 50 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 50 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 50 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 48 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) or search for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 8 document sections:

those lying near by, all within ten minutes walk of the State House. For its numbers, no American city was so strong in capital. Its older wealth, created just before and just after the beginning of the century, had come from foreign commerce, from ships returning from distant seas; its later had come from mills established on the Merrimac. Its prosperous citizens were, in a certain proportion, born in the city, but many had come from the centre of the State, from Cape Cod, and from New Hampshire,—men of good stock, enterprising, self-poised, and large-minded. Some had a pedigree in which they took pride; while others, who could not boast that distinction, fell easily into the fashion of the place. They educated their children in academies and colleges; and when rare ability and ambition were combined in their sons, they sent them to foreign universities. They were careful in the training of their daughters, placing them in the classical school of George B. Emerson, an accompl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
arters during the years 1845-1851 he was solicited for addresses, articles, and editorial service, which he declined on account of the pressure of other work; namely. a paper on Webster for the American Whig Review, requested by W. M. Evarts in April, 1846; a temperance speech urged by Moses Grant; a eulogy on John Quincy Adams before the American and Foreign Antislavery Society, soon after that statesman's death in 1848; the preparation of a law digest, in making which Mr. Gilchrist of New Hampshire desired his co-operation; a lecture before the Normal School at West Newton in 1846; the annual address in 1848 before the New England Society at Cincinnati, requested by Timothy Walker; the annual oration at Dartmouth College in 1849; and at Bowdoin College and Middletown College in 1850; an address before the American Unitarian Association, 1847, pressed by Rev. F. D. Huntington; an address before the New York Prison Association in 1848; and an article on slavery for the Christian Exam
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
Democrats—some from pro-slavery sympathies, and others from servile fear—voted for the measure in Congress, In the House, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Democrat, voted for the resolution; but another Democrat from New England, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, revolted from his party. With the latter also stood Preston King of New York. In the Senate, John A. Dix of New York, an unstable politician, voted for it. joined by a sufficient number of Whigs in the Senate to carry it through. It is pa there is no principle of cohesion but that of public plunder. The antislavery sentiment will be the basis of a new organization. To Whittier, Jan. 5, 1848:— Thank God! at last we have a voice in the Senate. Hale John P. Hale of New Hampshire. has opened well. His short speeches have been proper premonitions of what is to come. I wish to see him discuss the war in its relations to slavery. Then I hope he will find occasion to open the whole subject of slavery, constitutionally,<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
es could secure the election of senators and representatives in Congress fully committed to their principles. If they had been satisfied with merely bearing their testimony they would have been met only with derision; but they inspired different sentiments when they made their power felt, sometimes by voting for the candidate of the party with whom they were most in sympathy, and sometimes by a combination with one of the two great parties. They had already in this way won a victory in New Hampshire over Democratic subserviency by joining with the Whigs in the election of a Whig governor and of John P. Hale as senator. This was indeed before the formal organization of the Free Soil party; but the same considerations governed in that as in the later unions referred to. The Whigs took advantage of such opportunities, though condemning similar action in the Free Soilers In Missouri they joined with Democrats of the Calhoun type to defeat Benton, and elected Henry S. Geyer as senator
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
rtis, vol. i. pp. 138-155. The election of John Quincy Adams as President by Clay's help, Horace Mann, referring to the charges against Adams and Clay, afterwards fully discredited, said: I believe the same charge against the Free Soil party will have come twenty years hence to the same result,—that of conferring honor upon its object and infamy upon its authors. See Von Holst's remarks, vol. IV. pp. 41, 42. the election of a Whig governor and of an anti-Texas Democratic senator in New Hampshire, and the recent election of Geyer as senator in Missouri by a Whig and Calhoun—Democratic coalition, were quite forgotten. The Whig journals assured Sumner of a cool reception in the Senate, which he would enter, if he entered it at all, without authority, and with the ignominy of the coalition branded upon him. The intemperate phrases of these Whig journals did not express the sentiments of their party outside of the State. The New York Tribune, January 14, edited by Horace Greeley
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
e reported a list of senators which allowed only two classes, and placed Sumner with the Whigs. He had only two political associates,—Chase of Ohio and Hale of New Hampshire; the former chosen by a combination of Free Soilers and Democrats, and the latter by a combination of antislavery men and Whigs. From John Davis, his own collclosed. He reached his seat, however, just as the call of the roll began; and rising, again went behind the Vice-President's chair. Foot of Vermont, Norris of New Hampshire, Dodge of Wisconsin, and, most marked of all, Seward Sumner says, in a note to his Works (vol. III. p. 93), Seward was absent, probably constrained by his uch that John Van Buren has gone into this campaign. If he could not oppose Baltimore he should have been silent. Even Weller, with whom has been speaking in New Hampshire, says he ought to have gone to Europe. My admiration and attachment for him have been sincere, and in the most friendly spirit I regret his course. Pardon th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ion Dec. 5, 1853. They missed the readiness and wit of Hale of New Hampshire, who had been succeeded by a Democrat. The Democrats being in e in the city of New York. He was again elected senator from New Hampshire in 1855, and served till 1865. Chase was to be succeeded at thed read Sumner's speech while engaged in an election campaign in New Hampshire, wrote, February 26:— You may be assured that I read it w of your life, worthy of you and the cause. When I read it in New Hampshire, I felt thankful that I had been able to do something for the ce he was on his feet,—once to deny the charge made by Norris of New Hampshire that he had counselled forcible resistance to the Fugitive Slavfollowed the introduction of the Nebraska bill,—the election in New Hampshire, the President's own State, in which the Administration was defh Wade and Chase had foreshadowed. The Administration had lost New Hampshire, the President's State, by a union of the forces opposed to it;<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
the Secretary of War. The Senate refrained from any full discussion of affairs in Kansas until February 18, when various documents with a message were received from the President in answer to a call of the Senate. Wilson then reviewed recent events in the territory in a very effective speech lasting two days, in which he detailed the incursions from Missouri and commented on the complicity of the Administration with the violence of the proslavery invaders. A few days later, Hale of New Hampshire supported him. Jones Jones, February 25. called Hale the devil's own. Congressional Globe, App. 101. See further remarks of Jones on the same day. Congressional Globe, p 497. of Tennessee, Toombs of Georgia, Butler of South Carolina, and Toucey of Connecticut defended the Administration,—the last named as well as Jones dealing, in offensive personalities, which drew spirited retorts from Wilson and Hale. Butler came thus early (February 25 and March 5) into the controversy. He re