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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
s and diminishing in numbers. The Administration, in Cushing's letter, threatened proscription to all who allowed any political fellowship with them. Hale, without hope of being called again into public life, had opened a law office in the city of New York. He was again elected senator from New Hampshire in 1855, and served till 1865. Chase was to be succeeded at the close of this Congress by a Democratic supporter of the Compromise. Three years and a half of Sumner's term remained; but ththe popular yearning was for a new movement; and foiled in one direction by political animosities, it sought temporary expression in one of the most singular episodes of American politics. A secret order of obscure origin, starting in the city of New York, and calling itself American, though afterwards best known in political nomenclature as Know-Nothing, aspired through its branches to control national as well as local politics. Its purpose was to resist the influence of foreign-born voters
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ere presented to Congress. The Legislature of Vermont, when it next met, denounced the assault, and gave an unqualified approval to the sentiments and doctrines of Sumner's speech. the governor of New York communicated to him the sympathies of the people of that State. The public indignation found expression in meetings of citizens through the free States, as well in small communities as in great cities. An immense concourse of citizens assembled in the Broadway Tabernacle, in the city of New York. Those unable to gain admission held a meeting in the space in front of the Tabernacle. Among the officers and speakers were eminent lawyers, merchants, clergymen,—Daniel Lord, Charles King, W. C. Bryant, and Henry Ward Beecher. W. M. Evarts moved the resolutions which, after reciting with accuracy the circumstances of the assault, tendered to Sumner sympathy in the personal outrage; but as his grievance and wounds were not of private concern only, they recognized and resented ever
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ss in close districts sought his approval; and he wrote some letters in their support, one being for James M. Ashley, who was running in Ohio in the Toledo district. Shortly after the session closed he stood before an immense audience in the city of New York, where he was received and successively interrupted with bursts of applause accorded to no orator in the campaign except perhaps to Mr. Seward, during the latter's remarkable progress in the West. The Republican managers of the State,—Thurlthe South, which saved the country from the calamity of an antislavery triumph being converted into a new surrender to the slave-power. Immediately after his speech Sumner accepted the invitation of the Young Men's Republican Union of the city of New York, given some months before, to deliver an address at Cooper Institute. He had withheld an answer until he should have tested his strength in the Senate. He lingered after the close of the session (June 28) a few days at Washington, and on h