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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 404 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Index, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 92 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 88 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 50 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 46 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 44 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 38 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 36 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 32 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 24 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for New York State (New York, United States) or search for New York State (New York, United States) in all documents.

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uch a breach of the chain which unites their interests and binds them together as neighbors and fellow-citizens? It could not be. The innovation would be fatal to the Federal Government, fatal to the Union, and fatal to the hopes of liberty and humanity, and presents a catastrophe at which all ought to shudder. Without identifying the case of the United States with that of individual States, there is at least an instructive analogy between them. What would be the condition of the State of New York, of Massachusetts, or of Pennsylvania, for example, if portions containing their great commercial cities, invoking original rights as paramount to social and constitutional compacts, should elect themselves into distinct and absolute sovereignties? In so doing they would do no more, unless justified by an intolerable oppression, than would be done by an individual State as a portion of the Union, in separating itself without a like cause from the other portions. Nor would greater evi
the least practical concern. Slavery will go wherever it is profitable, just as sure as water finds its level. No human legislation can prevent it, because the instincts of the human constitution and the laws of soil and climate are stronger than any law-giving of finite man. Just as sure will slavery never go where soil and climate forbid. Now, in none of the Territories do the laws of soil and climate allow slaves to abide. Thus, in New Mexico, which is five times as large as the State of New York, and where slavery exists by law, being recognized and protected by a slave-code, there are, according to the late census, but twenty-six slaves, and they are the body servants of officers of the civil Government and of the army! Why, then, should the North care to exclude slavery from Territories from which God and nature have ordained its exclusion; and what should the South care for the right to carry slaves where Almighty God has decreed they shall never go? Of what practical val
em to become prosperous, and their States grew up by our trade and commerce. Most of their wealth, when you come to estimate it and look at it, was nothing but profits derived from our trade. Cut off that trade. Most of the wealth of the State of New York--and that State alone is estimated to be worth four hundred millions of dollars (that is the taxable property of the State of New York)--and in what does it consist? Close up the harbor; cut off manufactures. What does it consist in? BriState of New York)--and in what does it consist? Close up the harbor; cut off manufactures. What does it consist in? Bricks and mortar, nothing else. And if the war last as long as the siege of Troy, in what will their wealth consist? It will disappear, for the bricks and mortar will be worth no more, unless there are tenants and the profits derived from labor, than the bricks and mortar in the arid plains of Babylon. Sixty-one millions of New England capital consist alone in cotton manufactures and cotton spindles. These factories look to us for our raw materials. This capital is now literally paralyzed;
Doc. 173 1/2.-U. S. Executive Government, 1857-61. President.--James Buchanan, of Penn. Vice-President.--John C. Breckinridge, of Ky. Secretaries of State.--Lewis Cass, of Michigan; Jeremiah S. Black of Penn., appt. Dec. 17, 1860. Secretary of the Navy.--Isaac Toucey, of Conn. Secretaries of War.--John B. Floyd, of Va.; Joseph Holt, of Ky., appt. Jan. 18, 1861. Secretaries of the Treasury.--Howell Cobb, of Ga.; Philip F. Thomas, of Md., appt. Dec. 12, 1860; John A. Dix, of N. Y., appt. Jan. 11, 1861. Secretary of the Interior.--Jacob Thompson, of Miss. Postmasters-General.--Joseph Holt, of Ky.; Horatio King, of Me., appt. Feb. 12, 1861. Attorneys-General.--Jeremiah S. Black, of Penn.; Edwin M. Stanton, of Penn., appt. Dec. 20, 1860.