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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

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iform. It soon appeared that there was no less than an entire regiment marching away, singly or in small knots of two or three, extending for some three or four miles along the road. A Babel of tongues rose from them, and they were all in good spirits, but with an air about them I could not understand. Dismounting at a stream where a group of thirsty men were drinking and halting in the shade, I asked an officer, Where are your men going, sir? Well, we're going home, sir, I reckon, to Pennsylvania. It was the 4th Pennsylvania Regiment, which was on its march, as I learned from the men. I suppose there is severe work going on behind you, judging from the firing? Well, I reckon, sir, there is. We're going home, he added after a pause, during which it occurred to him, perhaps, that the movement required explanation--because the men's time is up. We have had three months of this work. I proceeded on my way, ruminating on the feelings of a General who sees half a brigade walk quietl
atre of desolating wars between the North and the South; Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri do not intend that their peaceful channels of commerce shall become rivers of blood to gratify the ambition of South Carolina and Alabama, who at a remote distance from present danger cry out disunion. I have said that the South has all along had a peaceful remedy and has it still. The union sentiment is overwhelming in all the Middle and Western States, constituting two-thirds of the republic. Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois are as little inclined to become frontier States as Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky. Had the present Administration cut loose from the disunionists, instead of virtually ministering to their designs, and planted itself firmly on union ground, the secessions at Charleston and Baltimore would never have occurred, the constitutional union party would have been an impossibility, the democracy would have recovered its ascendency in the North, and an united party,
rnment, and regarding both as essential to their well-being, if a State placed in the midst of them were to renounce its Federal obligations, and erect itself into an independent and alien nation? Could the States north and south of Virginia, Pennsylvania, or New York, or of some other States, however small, remain associated and enjoy their present happiness, if geographically, politically, and practically thrown apart by such a breach of the chain which unites their interests and binds them th all ought to shudder. Without identifying the case of the United States with that of individual States, there is at least an instructive analogy between them. What would be the condition of the State of New York, of Massachusetts, or of Pennsylvania, for example, if portions containing their great commercial cities, invoking original rights as paramount to social and constitutional compacts, should elect themselves into distinct and absolute sovereignties? In so doing they would do no mo
and Rep's of the National Government, first: then for the Governors, Lt.-Governors, Senators and Rep's of the State Governments. This is a grave example, indeed, considering it is adduced to determine a question about facts. The Governors of Pennsylvania and New York have decidedly yielded precedence, both to the President and Vice-President. The Governor of Pennsylvania has even yielded it to a Senator. The foreign Ambassadors and all Companies give place to the Vice-President next to the PPennsylvania has even yielded it to a Senator. The foreign Ambassadors and all Companies give place to the Vice-President next to the President, and to both before all the rest of the world. It is etiquette that governs the world. If the precedence of the President, and, consequently, Vice-President, is not decidedly yielded by every Governor upon the Continent, in my opinion Congress had better disperse and go home. For my own part I am resolved, the moment it is determined that any Governor is to take rank either of President or V.-P., I will quit and go home; for it would be a shameful deceit and imposition upon the Peopl
e country. I need not remark to you, gentlemen, how fatal the attempted disseverance of the Union must prove to all our material interests. Secession, and annexation to the South, would cut off every outlet for our productions. We cannot get them to the Confederate States across the Alleghanies. The Ohio River and the country beyond it, would be closed to our trade. With Maryland in the Union, our outlet to the East would be interrupted; while we could not carry products across the Pennsylvania line, by the Monongahela or other routes. In time of war, we would encounter a hostile force, and in time of peace, a custom-house at every turn. The interests of the people of Virginia were intrusted to the Richmond Convention. How have they fulfilled that trust? Why, if war was to come, was our land made the battle-field? Why was this Commonwealth interposed as a barrier to protect the States of the South, who undertook to overthrow the Union in utter disregard of our remonstranc
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 45.-skirmish at Patterson's Creek. Col. Wallace's official report. (search)
murdered. Three companies went to the ground this morning, and recovered every thing belonging to my picket, except a few of the horses. The enemy were engaged all night long in boxing up their dead. Two of their officers were killed. They laid out twenty-three on the porch of a neighboring farm house. I will bury my poor fellow to-morrow. I have positive information gained to-day that there are four regiments of rebels in and about Romney, under Col. McDonald. What their particular object is I cannot learn. The two Pennsylvania regiments are in encampment at State Line, nine miles from here, awaiting further orders. They have not yet reported to me. They hesitate about invading Maryland. The report of the skirmish sounds like fiction, but it is not exaggerated. The fight was really one of the most desperate on record, and abounds with instances of wonderful daring and coolness. Lewis Wallace. Col. 11th Regiment, Indiana Volunteers. G. B. McClellan, Major-General.
ecessity for the destruction of the bridges. The following letter from Col. R. S. Mercer, of Anne Arundel county, is evidence that I did refuse my assent to this proposition: Parkhurst, May 16, 1861. To His Excellency, Gov. Hicks-- Dear sir: I have just read your card in the American, denying the charge made by the Mayor of Baltimore, Marshal Kane, and others, that you had given your consent and approbation to the burning of the various railroad bridges leading from Baltimore to Pennsylvania. Having, on the 19th of April, acted as your aide-de-camp, I was present at all your consultations and interviews with the city officials and other prominent citizens, until the violent excitement which marked that day had subsided. I conceive it to be my duty to make the following statement, which suggests itself to me, as a simple act of justice to you. I heard the request made you by Mr. McLean and others, in which His Honor, the Mayor, acquiesced, that you should order the scut
on. Let us, then, examine it. After a feeble and futile defence of the right of secession, they present the Personal Liberty Laws of some of the Northern States as a justification; concerning which they say: We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. * * * The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from the service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligations; but the current of anti-slavery feeling
immediately contiguous to the border Slave States--the inevitable consequence of which will be, not only that those States will lose a much larger number of slaves than heretofore, but that in a few years slavery will disappear from them altogether. The truth is, there is but one safety for the slave interests of the border States, and that is in having friendly neighbors on the north of them, and not only friendly neighbors, but friendly, stringent, coercive, penal legislation. With Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and Indiana, and Illinois, and Iowa, made enemies of — as enemies, and bitter enemies, secession will surely make them — no human power can prevent the extinction of slavery in the States of Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri. Fire will not more effectually reduce the fagot to cinders, or water extinguish flame, than secession will bring slavery in those States to annihilation. To bring the matter home, if with a stringent fugitive slave law, executed (as I think) w
esday morning. McMullin's Rangers dashed in first, the City Troop and Gen. Patterson and staff followed, and after them came the two regiments of Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. The remaining regiments took the matter less impetuously, and so lost their share in the honors of the battle. They marched leisurely into a field on the of which were marked with the inscription, Virginia Volunteers. From some jackets and caps, &c., thus relinquished, our informant is enabled to say that no Pennsylvania troops are so miserably clothed. Their uniforms — gray, trimmed with black — were of the commonest kind of coarse shoddy. While thus marching along in the ction was probably a signal to the enemy of the march of the Federal troops. The man has been arrested, and the affair will be investigated. Two regiments of Pennsylvania troops now guard the town. The success of this movement is dependent, to a great extent, upon Jerome Claunsen, Gen. Patterson's guide. Mr. Claunsen has tra
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