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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 23 results in 9 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
in Sumner's Works, vol. XII. p. 45. . . . Meanwhile our people continue quite indifferent to Canadian affairs except as their startling character furnishes news under the telegraph head in the newspapers. The slaveholders would be, of course, against annexation, and the Northern States have not yet entertained the question. But Canada must make the advance. I cannot doubt that if Canada were admitted into our Union, her apparently incongruous races would be fused, as in Louisiana and Pennsylvania, by the potent though quiet action of our political system. Cobden in his reply, Nov. 7, 1849, agreed with Sumner as to the future union of Canada with the United States. Sumner's Works, vol. XII. pp. 172-175. Such a union was a favorite idea with Sumner through life. Works, vol. XIII. pp, 127-130. North American Review, July-August, 1878; pp. 78-80: A Senator's Fidelity Vindicated, by E. L. Pierce. To John A. Kasson, New Bedford, July 12:— When I tell you that your article
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
25-1850 there was an earnest contention in this country on prison discipline, between the partisans of the separate or Pennsylvania system—which enforced the absolute separation of convicts from one another by day as well as at night—and those of thental condition, and giving him useful industrial training, were contested points. The separate system, first tried in Pennsylvania, drew the attention of European philanthropists and publicists, and their reports after personal inspection were unifoe contended that the reports had confounded it with the more rigid system of absolute solitude, which was discarded in Pennsylvania in 1829, and in other States at about the same time; that the report for 1838 had applied the opinions of Lafayette an great length on two evenings, making a minute comparison of the two prison systems, and earnestly advocating that of Pennsylvania; June 2 and 16. Dr. Howe's speech of June 16 is fully reported in the Semi-Weekly Courier, June 24. by Henry H. Ful
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
esident, in August, 1846, signified to Congress that a cession from Mexico was a probable mode of concluding peace, and with that purpose in view called for two millions of dollars. An appropriation bill being reported in the House, Wilmot of Pennsylvania moved, August 8, an amendment, known afterwards as the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting slavery forever in the territory to be acquired. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented inmall percentage one tenth of the vote cast; 291,342 in all. and two-thirds of his vote came from New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio. New York, 120,510; Massachusetts, 38,058; Ohio, 35,354; Illinois, 15,774; Vermont, 13,837; Maine, 12,096; Pennsylvania, 11,263; Wisconsin, 10,418; Michigan, 10,389. He led Cass only in New York and Massachusetts, but by dividing the Democratic vote in New York effected Taylor's election. As the majority rule then prevailed in Massachusetts, there was no choic
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
h a sneer of the humane sentiments of his State; of the interest, as if it were no matter of her concern, which Massachusetts took in the seizure of negroes in Pennsylvania; and insisted that the actual evil of such reclamations had been exaggerated, inasmuch as no negro had been taken under process of law from Massachusetts for anant at the protests and obstructions they encountered. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 433, 434; vol. VI. pp. 559. 560, 561. Massachusetts grows fervid over Pennsylvania wrongs; while Pennsylvania herself is not excited by any sense of such wrongs, and complains of no injustice. All the while he was petting and soothing the vioPennsylvania herself is not excited by any sense of such wrongs, and complains of no injustice. All the while he was petting and soothing the violent and aggressive partisans of slavery. He was most unlike his former self—for he was by nature and early habit inclined to religious thought—when, with an air of lofty contempt, he assailed the belief that human laws are to be tested, and their obligations finally determined, by the supreme moral law. Webster's Works, vol
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
e henceforth to stand by it. Bright of Indiana, expelled ten years later for disloyalty, Works, vol. VI. p. 252. abstaining from comments on Sumner's speech, vindicated the Act, and applied the epithet fanatics to its opponents. Cooper of Pennsylvania found no fault with Sumner for occupying the time of the Senate, even at this late day, and said:— It was his right to do it, and I am glad that he has exercised that right, because at last we have fully, broadly, and fairly presented tod in letters from eminent divines,—Charles Lowell, John Pierpont, Convers Francis, William H. Furness, A. A. Livermore, Samuel Osgood, Rufus P. Stebbins, and James W. Thompson. A senator then far removed in opinion and party action (Cooper of Pennsylvania), whose subsequent change of position may have been due to the speech, wrote:— While I differ with you in many of your views on this subject, I can still admire the ability and manly frankness with which you maintain them. As an intelle<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
in volunteering abject submission to the Compromise. The party journals on both sides either insisted on a cordial support of the finality platforms or acquiesced in silence. Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, supported the Whig nominations, but refused to accept the Compromise platform as of binding authority. The New York Evening Post, conducted by W. C. Bryant and John Bigelow, supported the Democratic candidates while rejecting the Democratic platform. Thaddeus Stevens, in Pennsylvania, a Whig, while voting for the candidates of his party, persevered in repudiating the Compromise. Politicians, even those who had been noted for antislavery professions, assumed the degrading obligations imposed at Baltimore. The New York Barnburners—W. C. Bryant, B. F. Butler, Mr. Butler is not to be confounded with another of the same name who had a political career in Massachusetts and in Congress. John Van Buren, S. J. Tilden, and H. B. Stanton—turned their backs on those noble pro
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
scordant echoes with which his ears must be infested. The Fugitive Slave Act came up again on later days in the session. On July 14 Dixon took exception in a courteous way to Sumner's construction of his official oath and his application of Jackson's celebrated phrase. Sumner repeated the doctrine, adding John Quincy Adams as an authority, that his oath was to support the Constitution as he understood it. Four days later he presented a memorial from the ancient Abolition Society of Pennsylvania for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, and stated with considerable fulness its purport. Clay made some opprobrious remarks, which Sumner only noticed by saying that he was always ready to answer anything in the shape of an argument; but he did not consider any senator who did not keep within the rules as his peer. Other Southern senators who referred to him—Dawson, Bayard, and Benjamin—were entirely respectful. The last named senator, to whose kindness of manner and conformity to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
debate. Minden (La.) Herald. quoted by Campbell of Pennsylvania. in the House, July 12, 1856. Louisville Journal, May oks, on Feb. 5, 1858, in the House seized G. A. Grow of Pennsylvania by the throat, and called him a damned Republican puppyouglas, Fitzpatrick of Alabama, and J. Glancy Jones of Pennsylvania, a messenger rushed in and said that some one was beatihe North. Two supporters of the resolutions—Tyson of Pennsylvania and Oliver of New York —expressed disapproval of parts heeler of New York; Cadwallader, Florence, and Jones of Pennsylvania; English and Miller of Indiana; Allen, Harris, and Mars with a cane at the head of John Hickman, a member from Pennsylvania, because the latter in a speech in Washington (not in C17: Sumner is contending with death in the mountains of Pennsylvania. Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 287. Though quickly prostated in the national election, losing five free States,—Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California; but Mas<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ouglas Southern and pro-slavery enough in his position, put John C. Breckinridge (afterwards a general in the Confederate army) in nomination. In May, a remnant of conservative Whigs, known as the Constitutional Union party, nominated John Bell for President and Edward Everett for Vice-President. The Republicans met at Chicago, May 16, and passing by Seward, the leading candidate, nominated Abraham Lincoln, who was supposed more likely than any one to command the support of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois,—States which they failed to carry in 1856. Their declaration of principles challenged the heresies of their adversaries by proclaiming freedom as the normal condition of all the Territories, by denying the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States, and by affirming, on Giddings's motion, the maintenance of the principles of the Declaration of Independence as