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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

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, if there remained a hope that the danger would pass by. The Presbyterians, true to their traditions, held it right to war against tyranny; the merchants refused to sacrifice their trade; the Quakers in any event scrupled to use arms; a numerous class, like Reed, cherished the most passionate desire for a Chap. II.} 1774. May. reconciliation with the mother country. In the chaos of opinion, the cause of liberty needed wise and intrepid counsellors; but during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless morals, eloquence, and good service in the colonial legislature his writings had endeared him to America as a sincere friend of liberty. Possessed of an ample fortune, it was his pride to call himself a farmer. Residing at a country seat which overlooked Philadelphia and the Delaware river, he delighted in study and repose, and was wanting in active vigor of will. Free f
ose river side and hill-tops are now covered with stately warehouses, mansions and monuments, whose bay sparkles round the prows of the swiftest barks, whose wharfs receive to their natural resting-place the wealth of the West Indies and South America, and whose happy enterprise sends across the mountains its iron pathway of many arms to reach the valley of the Mississippi, had for a century been tenanted only by straggling cottages. But its convenient proximity to the border counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia had at length been observed by Scotch Irish Presbyterians, and other bold and industrious men; and within a few years they had created the town of Baltimore, which already was the chief emporium within the Chesapeake Bay, and promised to become one of the most opulent and populous cities of the world. When the messages from the old committee of New York, from Philadelphia, and from Chap. III.} 1774. May. Boston, reached its inhabitants, they could not see the least ground
rbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce to that convenient mart. And were it otherwise, we must be lost to all the feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbors. The governor, in his answer, threw all blame on Boston, for refusing to indemnify the East India company, and he employed every device to produce Chap. V.} 1774. June. compliance. It was published at the corners of the streets that Pennsylvania would refuse to suspend commerce; that the society of Friends would arrest every step towards war; that New York had not named, and would never name, deputies to congress; that the power of Great Britain could not fail to crush resistance. The exasperation of the selfish at their losses, which they attributed to the committee of correspondence, the innate reverence for order, the habitual feeling of loyalty, the deeply-seated love for England, the terror inspired by regiments, artillery,
n Rutledge, the faithful members of the congress of 1765, with Edward Rutledge and Middleton. The delegates elect were empowered to agree to a suspension of exports as well as imports. In due time the house of assembly, meeting at eight in the morning, just half an hour before the governor could send to prorogue them, confirmed these proceedings and ratified the choice of delegates. Don't pay for an ounce of the tea, was the reiterated message from South Carolina. The convention of Pennsylvania, which was but Chap. VI.} 1774. July. an echo of the opinion of Dickinson, recommended an indemnity to the East India company, dissuaded from suspending trade, and advised the gentler method of a firm and decent claim of redress. The idea of independence they disowned and utterly abhorred. If Britain on her side would repeal the obnoxious acts, they were ready to engage their obedience to the acts of navigation, and also to settle an annual revenue on the king, subject to the control o
; and had been instructed that even in time of peace he could of himself order the troops to fire upon the people. By one of the two additional acts, he was authorized to quarter his army in towns; by the other, to transfer to another colony or to Great Britain any persons informed against or indicted for crimes committed in supporting the revenue laws or suppressing riots. The regulating act complicated the question between America and Great Britain. The country, under the advice of Pennsylvania, might have indemnified the East India company; might have obtained by importunity the repeal of the tax on tea; or might have borne the duty as it had borne that on wine; but parliament, after ten years of premeditation, had exercised the power to abrogate the laws, and to change the charter of a province without its consent; and on this arose the conflict of the American revolution. The act went into effect on the moment of its being received; and of necessity precipitated the choice b
th Carolinians greeted the delegates of Massachusetts as the envoys of freedom herself; and the Virginians equalled or surpassed their colleagues in resoluteness and spirit; but all united in desiring to promote the union of Great Britain and the colonies on a constitutional foundation. On Monday the fifth day of September, the mem- Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. bers of congress, meeting at Smith's tavern, moved in a body to select the place for their deliberations. Galloway, the speaker of Pennsylvania, would have had them use the State House, but the carpenters of Philadelphia offered their plain but spacious hall; and from respect for the mechanics, it was accepted by a great majority. The names of the members were then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, representing eleven colonies, answered to the call. Peyton Randolph, late speaker of
hire would occupy both slopes of the Green Mountains; that Massachusetts would seize the western territory of New York; while Connecticut would appropriate northern Pennsylvania, and compete with Virginia for the West. Out of Boston the power of Gage was at an end. In the county of Worcester, the male inhabitants from the age ofime, the continental committee on the rights of the colonies having been increased by one member from each of the three provinces, Virginia, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania, extended their searches to the statutes affecting industry and trade. But in a body whose members were collected from remote parts of the country, accustomedst began; said John Adams at a later day. His resolution accepted that badge of servitude, the British colonial system. During these discussions, Galloway, of Pennsylvania, in secret concert with the governor of New Jersey and with Golden of New York, proposed for the government of the colonies a president-genera], to be appointe
e uni- Chap XIV.} 1774. Oct. versality, and the unchangeableness of truth; and this principle, however it may have been made subservient to ecclesiastical organization, tyranny, or superstition, rather demanded than opposed universal emancipation and brotherhood. Yet the thirteen colonies were all Protestant; even in Maryland the Catholics formed but an eighth, or perhaps not more than a twelfth, part of the population; their presence in other provinces was hardly perceptible, except in Pennsylvania. The members of congress had riot wholly purged themselves of Protestant bigotry. Something of this appeared in their resolutions of rights, and in their address to the people of British America. In the address to the people of Great Britain, it was even said that the Roman Catholic religion had dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion through every part of the world. But the desire of including Canada in the confederacy compelled the Protestants of America to ad
urisdiction over the tempting and well-peopled region. He found a willing instrument in one John Conolly, a native of Pennsylvania, a physician, landjobber, and subservient political intriguer, who had travelled much in the Ohio valley, both by wateand and Virginia, spurned the meek tenets of the Quakers, and inclined to the usurpation. The governor and council of Pennsylvania took measures to support their indisputable right. This Dunmore passionately resented as a personal insult, and woulds, nor to candid offers of settlement by joint commissioners, nor to the personal application of two of the council of Pennsylvania. Jurisdiction was opposed to jurisdiction; arrests were followed by counter arrests; the country on the Monongahela, rs like the Indians and equally ungovernable, were forming war parties along the frontier from the Cherokee country to Pennsylvania. When the letter of Conolly fell into Cresap's hands, he and his party esteemed themselves authorized to engage in pr
d to Vergennes that the vote was to the ministry worth nothing at all, that New York was sure to act with the rest of the continent. The royalists hoped for a combined expression of opinion in the central states. In January, the Quakers of Pennsylvania published an epistle, declaring that the kingdom of Jesus Christ is not of this world, Chap. XIX.} 1775 Jan. and that they would religiously observe the rule not to fight; and the meeting of the Friends of Pennsylvania and New Jersey gave thPennsylvania and New Jersey gave their testimony against every usurpation of power and authority in opposition to the laws of government. But the legislature of Pennsylvania had, in December, unreservedly approved the proceedings of the continental congress, and elected seven delegates to the next congress in May. The popular convention of that colony, supported by the inflexibility of Thomson, and the vivacity and address of Mifflin, now pledged their constituents at every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America,
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