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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 16,340 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 3,098 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 2,132 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 1,974 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 1,668 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 1,628 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,386 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 1,340 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 1,170 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 1,092 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for United States (United States) or search for United States (United States) in all documents.

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men we may not be permitted to judge, but surely there is no law which forbids us to make a conscientious estimate of their heads; and he who, upon the strength of two or three little texts-upon the fact of the existence of Slavery among the Jews and in the Roman Empire-upon that small portion of history which records the curse upon Canaan, could assert, and in pulpit, newspaper, review, and volume, persist in the assertion that the Slavery of Four Millions of Men, in the Republic of the United States, in the year of Christianity One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty,--that such Slavery, utterly modern in its theory and practice, was a thing to be not merely justified, but applauded and defended in the pulpit-he, I say, who could make this large demand upon the faith of his neighbors, must have had one of those narrow and monkish natures which may be capable of a certain degree of usefulness in drilling battalions of neophytes, but which are equally incapable of lofty views or elevated
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mason's manners. (search)
he were abroad, and did not want to come home; how would he like to be pricked in the tender parts of his constitution? But the reader may fancy that we are never coming to the point. It is not a point at all. It is the back of a chair. Of a chair, we believe, at the Tuileries. And of a chair with an empress in it — an empress descended from a Scotch merchant and an Hidalgo of the bluest blood of Spain. Near that chair thus imperially occupied, sits the Representative of the United States of America. Perhaps he is standing; but that makes no difference, for the back of the chair might have been a high one. He might also have been masticating the weed of his beloved Virginia; but details, however important, are denied us. Suddenly he throws his arm about the back of the chair of H. S. M.! Oh, heavens! what next? Will not that arm descend upon that snowy and swan-like neck, which we have all so much admired in engravings? Goodness gracious! what might have followed? From t
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Presidential politeness. (search)
nal of Commerce and other sheets less benighted than our own. After putting in, as became a sound Constitutional Democrat, a reminder that in our political institutions there is no union of Church and State, Mr. Pierce informs us that Christianity animates our nation; it is the true spirit of good government; it is the characteristic and peculiar quality of modern civilization — the all-pervading principle of our laws, the sentiment and the moral and social existence of the people of the United States. This is well expressed; and we are not surprised that it gives our friend Forney's newspaper, from which we copy it, much calm satisfaction. But the ease and accuracy with which it is to be interpreted will depend upon what kind of Christianity Mr. Pierce refers to. The truth is that there are several varieties now in vogue; and when presidents write upon theological subjects, they should be careful to let us know to which particular kind they are alluding. If Mr. Pierce in the abo
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), William the Conqueror. (search)
s a rumor that he designs to violate the Neutrality Laws — popularly supposed in the least well-informed parts of the United States to be still in existence. Now, in spite of his palaver, it is necessary to bring this marauding William up with a have subjugated Orange county, in the State of New York, and that hereafter in that bailiwick the jurisdiction of the United States will not be acknowledged. Perhaps our letter, however, would not be telegraphed to the morning papers. Therein William has the advantage of us. Beaten, expelled, exiled, ruined, dethroned, he can still write to the Government of the United States. So much for having re-established Slavery where it had been abolished. The Republic of Nicaragua, according to Wration with which Walker regards the Neutrality Laws of this country. He, the exiled Nicaraguan, is the guest of the United States; and can he possibly disregard its statutes? We do not know. We are afraid he will, if he can. Before he became a N
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A New Laughing-stock. (search)
ppetite for his dinner. Here he masticated in grim wrath until somebody gave, as a toast, Cotton cloth, or Cotton culture, or Cotton Gins, or Cotton hats, or Cotton something, and the company called upon General Palfrey to respond. He arose. He pulled out the plug — if we may use the expression — and deluged the company with molten lava. He relieved himself. He thought, says the report, that it was rather hard to be invited to a celebration for the purpose of hearing the laws of the United States trampled under foot. He considered Mr. Sumner's oration ill-timed, and he was not afraid to say so. Of course he was not afraid. He knew how perfectly safe he was in Boston. He knew that no tar-pot was bubbling in the neighborhood. He knew that the company would keep their feathers to sleep upon. He knew that no bludgeon would drum a retaliating tattoo upon his reverberating cranium. He knew that no committee would wait upon him and warn him to leave Boston within twelve hours. Of
of these which we have seen were so full of feeble complaint that they would ill bear publication. We do not know anybody who in his day was more willing to improve topics happening to attract public attention. Everybody will remember that when fillibustering happened to be in fashion, Mr. Everett was a fine filibuster. Everybody who heard it will remember the Plymouth speech, in which Mr. Everett declared that the work must go on, by which he meant, that the manifest destiny of the United States was to conquer and annex the kingdoms and republics of South America. Everybody who ever heard of it, will remember how Mr. Everett subscribed for the Sumner testimonial, and how he afterwards attributed the indiscretion to illness. Surely no gentleman whose personal history is crowded with incidents like these, is in a position to sneer at the distinguished active statesmen of the day. Nor did the memory of Mr. Choate require any such apology. A lawyer in great practice, exceedingly
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A banner with a strange Device (search)
A banner with a strange Device Our obligations to the Anarchy of South Carolina are too enormous to be expressed. Bolted she has; quite a large amount of our personal property has she taken with her, but she has left our dear old bird. She has spoiled the gridiron, but she has spared the goose. We have him still, beak, talons and feathers! For us, dis-United States though we may be, he will continue to soar and scream and spread his wings. From our banner a star or two may madly shoot, and a stripe or so may fade; but we keep our bird — creature called by our name — our pet fowl, so admired and respected in the principal Courts of Europe. He has not nullified. Without him we had been bankrupt in our blazonry hard up in our heraldry a colorless, flagless, standardless, buntingless, pennonless people. With him we may indulge in dreams of future glory to some extent gratifying. Let us indulge! The Southern Confederacy it would seem, is sick of ornithological devices. I
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Montgomery Muddle — a specimen day. (search)
It will be just as easy to obtain the larger sum as the lesser, and it hardly appears respectable for the new nation to set itself up in business upon a petty fifteen million capital. What will the pickings and stealings, so necessary for the development of patriotism, be worth with such a trifling stock as that to filch from? Why it will hardly keep some men, heads and fronts of the Confederacy, too, in pocket money for a quarter! Do you suppose that peculators who only stood by the United States while there was a dollar in the treasury, which they could convey, will render their inestimable services for any such petty plunder? Then, too, we are sorry to say that the Congress, on this same specimen day, wasted its precious time in hearing petitions for patents, and in referring them. Now when we consider that discovery and invention are shown by the facts and the figures to be quite out of the Southern line, we cannot but regret to see the energy of the Congress wasted in rai
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A private Battery. (search)
A private Battery. We find the following paragraph in the Charleston (S. C.) correspondence of a contemporary: A salute was fired this afternoon by Captain James W. Meridith's private battery in honor of the ratification of the Constitution by South Carolina, and the hoisting of the Confederate States flag. Well, in the rapid onset of nineteenth century civilization, beautifully bewritten and philosophized as it has been, Charleston does outrun New York. There are a hundred things which are handy to have in the house. Mr. Toodles knew it; Mrs. Toodles knew it; we all know it. But do ever the most prudent of us think of providing, keeping, maintaining, casting mounting, loading, priming and discharging a private battery? There were private fortifications, as we have been informed, in the Middle Ages. There were certain counterscarps, ravelins and moats in My Uncle Toby's garden, which might be generically classed under the head of Private Battery. Burglars go about wit
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Southern Notions of the North. (search)
n terms. We do not believe there are ten thousand persons in Massachusetts who have given nothing or done nothing for the cause. And that which is true of Massachusetts is true of every other free State. Mercenaries, indeed! We do not have to put the screws upon our bank directors here to obtain a public loan, There is a race of giving and a competition of munificence. This in time will, we hope, satisfy our quondam brethren in Virginia, South Carolina and other territories of the United States, that we are not so miserably poor as they have been kind enough to suppose. After all we have given to the sacred cause of Law and Order, we have still a dollar or so left; and can even borrow a little should our present stock fail us. But we have hardly touched the popular pocket yet. So the sooner the subjects of Jefferson Davis stop laying that particularly flattering unction to their souls — that silly notion that we are exceedingly poor — the less they will by-and-by be disappoint
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