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Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 898 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 893 3 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 560 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 559 93 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 470 8 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 439 1 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 410 4 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 311 309 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 289 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 278 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) or search for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) in all documents.

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we each sought the shade of a tree, where we drew forth our memorandum books and pencils, to note down for the information of the thousands, who looked to us for a description of the day's occurrences, the various shiftings of the scene which henceforth forms an era in the history of our young Confederacy, and grandly inaugurates the march of glory on which she has entered. An interesting meeting took place between our party and the venerable Edmund Ruffin, who had against the walls of Fort Sumter fired the first defiant gun. He had come to this conflict with his eighty odd years weighing upon him, and his flowing white locks, to take part in this fight, encouraging our young men by his presence and example. Agile as a youth of sixteen, with rifle on his shoulder, his eyes glistening with excitement as he burned to engage the Yankee invader. Shortly afterwards Generals Beauregard, Johnston, and Bonham, accompanied by their aids, came galloping up the hill, and dismounted on the s
ill in other places as they did at Manassas, the Federalists could not have been successful in any attack whatever. In order that the preparations at Manassas may be understood, and that Gen. Beauregard, of whose character I gave some hint at Charleston, may be known at home as regards his fitness for his work, above all as an officer of artillery and of skill in working it in field or in position, let me insert a description of the place and of the man from a Southern paper:-- Manassas Jdes! Incessant roar of artillery and rattle of small-arms! Terrible tenacity! After a terrific fight, each and every rebel battery was taken! Now on to Richmond! The rout of the enemy was complete! Crushing rebellion! Victory at Bull Run; Sumter avenged! A battle of unparalleled severity! Our gallant and laurel-crowned army! Another newspaper, Our army went into battle with firm step and light hearts, singing patriotic songs. Bull Run defeat is placed among those great military achie
they raised the standard of revolt. They argued that the first law of nature, self-preservation, would compel England and France to force the blockade of the Southern ports to supply themselves with an article the possession of which is essential to keep down starvation and insurrection at home, and in this sense they reasoned wisely. We may rub on with comparative ease until the Fall of the year, but towards November and December next, when cotton-laden vessels from New Orleans, Mobile, Charleston, and other ports in possession of the Southern Confederacy, usually make their appearance in British and French waters, the question will arise — a serious one for all parties — what is to be done? There are those among us who contend that, unless peace between the North and south has been secured in the interval, we must in self-defence violate the blockade to secure that great essentia of life — cotton. Better, these persons argue, to risk a war with America than to see millions of our<
erms of adjustment could be agreed upon with Tennessee, North Carolina, and the border States, and that whatever terms would prove satisfactory to these loyal States would create a Union party in the cotton states which would be powerful enough at the ballot box to destroy the revolutionary government, and bring those States back into the Union by the voice of their own people. This hope was cherished by the Union men North and South, and was never abandoned until actual war was levied at Charleston, and the authoritative announcement made by the revolutionary government at Montgomery that the secession flag should be planted upon the walls of the Capitol at Washington, and a proclamation issued inviting the pirates of the world to prey upon the commerce of the United States. These startling facts, in connection with the boastful announcement that the ravages of war and carnage should be quickly transferred from the cotton fields of the South to the wheat fields and corn fields of
t perceive, sir, that the secession was a part of the programme for breaking up the democratic party? And is it not palpable that after vacating their seats at Charleston, they went to Baltimore for the mere purpose of more effectually completing the work of destruction by drawing off another detachment? I, sir, entertain no dous should be conceded and incorporated into the platform of the democratic party. The concession was made and they had no opportunity to secede. They came to Charleston under the same leader, again instructed to secede unless the convention would put into the platform a new plank, the effect of which, if adopted, would be furth Administration cut loose from the disunionists, instead of virtually ministering to their designs, and planted itself firmly on union ground, the secessions at Charleston and Baltimore would never have occurred, the constitutional union party would have been an impossibility, the democracy would have recovered its ascendency in t
es are being brought to a sense of reason and duty, what is to be done? Is civil war to commence? Certainly not, unless it be brought on by further outrages on the clearest constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and, as loyalty says, traitorously, seized upon fortresses, the admitted property of the United States, bought and constructed with their money, and for their protection, and with her consent, and now threatens to seize the rest. But one other, Fort Sumter, is left. It stands protected by the national flag, and its defence, and the honor of the Nation, are, thank God, in the keeping of a faithful and gallant soldier. The name of Anderson already enjoys an anticipated immortality. Is that fortress to be surrendered? Is he to be abandoned? Forbid it, patriotism! Is that flag that now floats so proudly over him and his command — the pledge of his country's confidence, support, and power, to succumb to the demands of an ungrateful, revo
to your application of the 21st instant, for the aid of the Federal Government to repel from Virginia the lawless invaders now perpetrating every species of outrage upon persons and property, throughout a large portion of the State, the President directs me to say that a large additional force will soon be sent to your relief. The full extent of the conspiracy against popular rights, which has culminated in the atrocities to which you refer, was not known when its outbreak took place at Charleston. It now appears that it was matured for many years by secret organizations throughout the country, especially in the slave States. By this means, when the President called upon Virginia, in April, for its quota of troops then deemed necessary to put it down in the States in which it had shown itself in arms, the call was responded to by an order from the chief confederate in Virginia to his earned followers, to seize the navy yard at Gosport; and the authorities of the State, who had til
our country; menacing its Capital with armed hordes, led by the double-dyed traitors, who, educated at the cost of the nation, and sworn to defend its laws, have deserted in the hour of need and turned their arms against their nursing mother; and appealed to all the scoundrels of the world to come and take service under the Rebel flag, against the commerce of the United States. Honor, Loyalty, Truth, stool aghast for a while, incredulously in the presence of this enormous crime; but when Sumter fell the free people of this nation rose — yes! rose as no like uprising has been witnessed before — and now who shall stay the avenging arm? Who, with traitor lips, shall talk of compromise, or with shaking knees clamor for peace? Compromise with what?--peace with whom? It is no question of this or that system of policy — of free-trade or tariff, of slavery or anti-slavery — it is a question of existence. To be or not to be — it is all there. There is no such thing as half being
Doc. 62 1/2.-views of a Southerner. We are permitted by a friend in Charleston to publish the following extracts from a private letter lately received from a distinguished statesman and able citizen, now in retirement: I thought also that if only Georgia would secede with South Carolina, the North would see at once the folly of any attempt at coercion, and acknowledge our independence. But, lo! after seven States had seceded and formed a new and glorious Constitution, they make war upon us; and after four other States had joined us, and there was scarcely a doubt that three more would soon, they continued war on the largest and most formidable scale. Interests These people are mad. The reason of it, aside from what I have said, is palpable to any reflecting man who has travelled over Europe. If you have not done so, you may hesitate to believe me when I say that the masses of even Western Europe are less civilized than our negroes. With greater capacity for it, they lav
ced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hosa letter from Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of February and receivble the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at o was received just one week before the fall of Sumter. The news itself was that the officer commandPickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was impossible, rendered so by the near exheen that the assault upon, and reduction of Fort Sumter, was, in no sense, a matter of self-defenceould not misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that p in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosennion men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter many members of that majority went over to thet by their great approval of the assault, upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the Government's[2 more...]
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