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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 197 7 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 111 21 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 97 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 91 7 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 71 7 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 68 12 Browse Search
Thomas C. DeLeon, Four years in Rebel capitals: an inside view of life in the southern confederacy, from birth to death. 62 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 60 4 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 57 3 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 56 26 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Montgomery (Alabama, United States) or search for Montgomery (Alabama, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 15 results in 10 document sections:

n to witness a scene not often enacted, and which forms an era in their lives for all time to come; a scene of terrific grandeur and sublimity, which is imprinted on their memories with a recollection never to be effaced. At seven o'clock on Sunday morning our party, consisting of Messrs. L. W. Spratt, of the Charleston Mercury; F. G. de Fontaine, of the Richmond Enquirer and Charleston Courier; P. W. Alexander, of the Savannah Republican; Shepardson, of the Columbus (Ga.) Times and Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, and your correspondent, started from Manassas Junction. The distant cannon, at short intervals since daybreak, had apprised us that the enemy were in motion, but in what direction we could only surmise until we reached a point a mile and a half from the breastworks, at the north-west angle of the fortifications of Manassas Junction. The day was bright and beautiful — on the left was the Blue Ridge, and in front were the slopes on the north side of Bull Run crowned with wo
States, and that whatever terms would prove satisfactory to these loyal States would create a Union party in the cotton states which would be powerful enough at the ballot box to destroy the revolutionary government, and bring those States back into the Union by the voice of their own people. This hope was cherished by the Union men North and South, and was never abandoned until actual war was levied at Charleston, and the authoritative announcement made by the revolutionary government at Montgomery that the secession flag should be planted upon the walls of the Capitol at Washington, and a proclamation issued inviting the pirates of the world to prey upon the commerce of the United States. These startling facts, in connection with the boastful announcement that the ravages of war and carnage should be quickly transferred from the cotton fields of the South to the wheat fields and corn fields of the North, furnish conclusive evidence that it was the fixed purpose of the secessionis
over a large portion of the State, to compel an appearance of unanimity in favor of secession, show that the leaders of this movement felt that the hearts of the people were not with them. The proclamation of the President calling for seventy-five thousand volunteer troops, is commonly relied upon to justify the ordinance of secession. That proclamation was issued on the 15th of April, 1861. It must not, however, be overlooked that on the 6th of March, 1861, the pretended Congress at Montgomery, provided by law for calling into the field a force of one hundred thousand volunteers; and that on the 12th of April, the Secretary of War of the Confederate States, publicly announced that war was commenced, and that the Capitol at Washington would be captured before the first of May. The intention to capture the Capital of the Union was repeatedly proclaimed in influential papers at Richmond and other Southern cities, before the 15th of April. It was, in fact, long a cherished object
her ordinance, for the adoption of the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, passed on the 25th of April, 1861, it is provided that the said ordinance shall cease to have any legal operation or effect if the people of this Commonwealth upon the vote directed to be taken on the Ordinance of Secession shall reject the same; and it now appearing by the said vote that the people have ratified the said Ordinance of Secession; therefore, I do further proclaim, that the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, ordained and established at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861, is now in full force in this Commonwealth, and must be respected and obeyed. [L. S.] Given under my hand, as Governor, and under the seal of the Commonwealth, this 14th day of June, 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the Commonwealth. John Letcher. By the Governor, Geo. W. Munford, Secretary of the Commonwealth.
the State was already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry, and the Navy-Yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited into their State, large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance with the so-called Confederate States, and sent members to their Congress at Montgomery, and finally they permitted the insurrectionary Government to be transferred to their capitol at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders, and this Government has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds it, and it has the less to regret as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this Government is bound to recognize and protect as being in Virginia. In the Border Stat
he gallant volunteers have responded on their part. The questions upon which I am to address you to-day relate to the importance of raising the necessary amounts of money to meet these requisitions. Upon the adjournment of the Congress from Montgomery to Richmond, the estimate was for one hundred thousand men for the first fiscal year. The amount estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury to meet the requirements to support an army of this number was fifty millions of dollars — a large amhe women, in this great and patriotic cause, are not at all behind the men. The patriotism of the women I believe throughout the country where I have been — the mothers and daughters — has not been behind the men, but even ahead of them. In Montgomery, when the order came from General Bragg for ten thousand sand bags, the women turned out on the Sabbath, as well as the week days, and completed the order in a very short time. In other places, where volunteer companies had been called out, th<
ave they interest in the suppression of the slave trade? Three years ago, in my report to the Commercial Convention at Montgomery, I said that European States are hostile to the Union. Perhaps they see in it a threatening rival in every branch of a. Perkins, of Louisiana, in criticism on the Provisional Constitution recently adopted by the Southern Congress at Montgomery, Alabama. In giving so large a space to such a document we are governed by the same considerations which have hitherto ids a new crusade for the emancipation of the South, if the features engrafted on the Provisional Constitution framed at Montgomery should be so far incorporated in the permanent organic law of the new Confederation as to fix a stigma on slavery by prnators should exclaim, in the presence of the temporary prohibitions laid on the foreign slave trade by the Congress at Montgomery, that if this interdict be carried into the permanent Government our whole movement is defeated. It will abolitionize t
ceding? And yet you talk about the President having brought on the war by his own motion, when these facts are incontrovertible, No one dare attempt to assail them. But after Fort Sumter was attacked and surrendered, what do we find stated in Montgomery when the news reached there? Here is the telegraphic announcement of the reception of the news there: Montgomery, Friday, April 12, 1861. An immense crowd serenaded President Davis and Secretary Walker, at the Exchange Hotel to-night.Montgomery, Friday, April 12, 1861. An immense crowd serenaded President Davis and Secretary Walker, at the Exchange Hotel to-night. Mr. Davis refused to address the audience, but his Secretary of War did. The Secretary of War, Mr. Walker, said: No man could tell where the war this day commenced would end, but he would prophesy that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here would float over the old Capitol, at Washington, before the 1st of May. Let them try Southern chivalry and test the extent of Southern resources, and it might float eventually over Faneuil Hall itself. What is the announcement? We have att
or others, to subscribers or dealers at points other than the place of publication, at a cost less than the regular rates of postage, it will at once be seen that the Department would lose much of its revenues; and publishers availing themselves of such modes of transmission, would secure such an advantage over others sending their papers by mail, as to injure the circulation of the latter or drive them to the same means of transmission, and the result would be, that the express companies would become the rivals of the Post-Office Department, and deprive it of a large amount of its legitimate revenues, and to that extent defeat the object had in view by Congress of making the Department self-sustaining. This reasoning does not apply, however, to books of a permanent character, other than periodicals sent in boxes or packages to merchants and dealers. Very respectfully yours, John H. Reagan. To the President Southern Express Company. --Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, July 31.
abored to accomplish, I return to the State to accompany, in my official capacity, one of the armies which the warrior statesman, whose genius now presides over the affairs of our half of the Union, has prepared to advance against the common foe. In thus doing justice to the warm and active sympathy of the President and people of the Confederate States for our cause, I also feel bound to allude to the very essential aid rendered us by Major Cabell. As our commissioner, he has displayed at Montgomery and Richmond a zeal and ability in our behalf which deserve the very highest praise. He remains at Richmond to represent our interests. It gives me great pleasure thus publicly to acknowledge his important services. Governor Jackson having considered it desirable for him to visit Richmond, I had intended to await his return to Missouri before I should enter the State; but on consultation with Major-General Polk and General Pillow, we have all come to the conclusion that substantial re