hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 1,756 1,640 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 979 67 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 963 5 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 742 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 694 24 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 457 395 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 449 3 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 427 7 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 420 416 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 410 4 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for Washington (United States) or search for Washington (United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 26 results in 17 document sections:

1 2
d together, that against all natural rules, a peculiar and disagreeable smell would be noticed in the atmosphere, and that it would even be perceptible in Heaven. I do not know that the Pro-Slavery Politician was a whit less absurd; but he had the advantage of confining his argumentation to matters of earth and sense, and of uttering low things from a lower standpoint. He did not pass the flaming bounds of time and space ; but restricting himself to the somewhat different atmosphere of Washington, he was content to limit human progress by existing enactments, and to plead precedent against the piteous appeals of those who sued for redress in forma pauperis. He had more than the respect of the proverb for what-ever is. He not only believed it to be right, but he proclaimed it, at the top of his voice, to be immutable. Whatever the Slaveholder asked for, he was ready to accord; and naturally the Slaveholder soon learned that he could not ask for too much. The position of the Pro
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mason's manners once more. (search)
ween the two governments, concluded by hoping that he (Mr. Mason) would remain at his court for the coming four years. These words were heard by the Russian Embassador, who told our Minister that it was his duty to repeat the words thus addressed to him in his official capacity, to his Government, but Mr. Mason, with the modesty of true merit, has, I am sure, remained silent upon the subject. We rejoice that Mr. Mason's modesty has not kept this valuable information from the Cabinet at Washington, where it will produce an excitement. Mr. Buchanan will, of course, act upon the recommendation of Napoleon, as the preference of that monarch ought to be conclusive. So much for Mr. Mason as a diplomatist. But it is as a man of manners, of polish, of civility, of the best breeding, that he gets the cleanest certificate. So far from being a big bear, he is Chesterfieldian, and as punctilious as a professor of etiquette or a Chinese mandarin. Instead of needing instruction himself, he
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Foresight of Mr. Fielder. (search)
certain document usually called The farewell Address, strongly deprecated the dissolution of the Union. In the course of his disquisition, Mr. Fielder supposes Washington to descend from heaven, with or without the aid of a parachute, but still, we suppose, in full regimentals, with what Mr. Fielder calls important dispatches. Sld not know at first where to alight. But Mr. F. is certain that after hovering Over the land for a while and taking sights at us, we suppose with a telescope, Washington would drop upon the Slave side of the line and immediately call a Disunion meeting. Should the experiment ever be made, says Mr. Fielder, that would be the resf Mr. Fielder's invocation, is not an event which will occur this week or next. We shall wait some time, if we wait for Washington to come down to help us; and Washington himself might object to such a mission. However, in the absence of this illustrious ghost, Mr. Fielder undertakes the patriotic duty of enlightening this great
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mitchel's commercial views. (search)
Mr. Mitchel's commercial views. among the most consistent philosophers at present engaged in the support and defence of Human Slavery, we must certainly rank that illustrious patriot, John Mitchel, the Irishman, who is at present grinding in the slaveholder's mill, and who will be transferred, when his owners are ready, to the mill at Washington, in which the grinding will be worse and the pay proportionately better. Those who are not over-nice in their moral notions, who like to behold perversion perfect, and who find a fascination in the utter wreck of humanity, will be enraptured to learn that Mr. John Mitchel has reached the lowest depths of mental degradation, and is now about the most beautifully unpleasant person connected with the American press. In his way — which is not a very fragrant way — he is now positively accomplished. We do not think that any future offenses of his can be ranker or smell higher than that which has now been committed. He is laudably ambitiou
emplation has warmed him into an admiration of the Ancients and an inclination to depreciate the Moderns, we shall triumphantly bring forward Edward Pollard, of Washington, in the District of Columbia, Esq., as the champion, in this behalf, of the present day. Mr. Pollard has printed a pamphlet in defence of the proposition to re-, but in addition to this blessing in tunics, Mr. Edward Pollard's father — not to put too fine a point upon it — owned niggers. As Mr. Edward Pollard lives in Washington, and is therefore, prima facie, an impoverished office-holder, the presumption is that the black diamonds are no longer retained as heir-looms in the Pollard fa to circumstances — and and to strive by every tender art to divert his mind from the distracting memory of the original mammy. Of all the poor white people in Washington, he seems to be in the lowest spirits — if we except Mr. James Buchanan. Whether the result of Mr. Edward Pollard's grief for his mammy will re-open the Afr
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A New Laughing-stock. (search)
Mr. Sumner, instead of spouting in a safe and general way, after the old fashion, discussed freely and earnestly the Dred Scott decision, and did not speak in very affectionate terms of Mr. Chief Justice Taney. To this, General Palfrey was obliged to listen. His too officious friends had probably conducted him to a front seat, so that egress would have been difficult; and pleased or displeased, he was compelled to stay. If Mr. George Sumner had been speaking in New Orleans, or even in Washington, the General might have silenced him by knocking him down; but such an experiment, however sweet, safe and effectual elsewhere, would have been a perilous one in Boston. So the martial veteran was forced to keep quiet. We do not understand why he did not go into convulsions. His escape from apoplexy appears to us little short of miraculous. But he did escape, and the oration delivered, went down to Faneuil Hall, with a sour stomach and a feeble appetite for his dinner. Here he mastica
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Dr. Tyler's Diagnosis. (search)
Dr. Tyler's Diagnosis. we are happy to perceive that in these days of excitement, one moderate man-one exceedingly moderate man — the most moderate man of modern times — a man without the slightest pretension to ability of any sort, is still in full possession of his inkstand and pen, if not his tongue. We need hardly say that we allude to John Tyler, of Virginia, whose recent visit to Washington, if it has not saved the Union, has at least produced a correspondence enlivened by the united abilities of Mr. Tyler and Mr. James Buchanan. That correspondence, too precious not to print, is now before us. Seven elegant epistles have been added to the literature of our language, and of these we beg leave to offer to the eager reader the following compendious abstract: No. I. Mr. Tyler informs Mr. Buchanan that he has taken lodgings at Brown's Hotel, in order to preserve the peace of the country; and wishes to know when he can be received at the White House. No. Ii. This evening
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Montgomery Muddle — a specimen day. (search)
has been slandered by its foes. It stands to-day self-accused and self-convicted. From its own newspapers, and from the speeches of its leading men, and by their own passionate confession, we can prove it behindhand in commerce, in intelligent agriculture, in letters and in popular enlightenment. Governor Wise has said this over and over again, in numberless letters, of his own State of Virginia; and what is true of Virginia is true of her Southern sisters. Do the really intelligent men of these unfortunate States, imagine that acts of Congress, whether in Montgomery or in Washington, will bring wealth, industry, prudence, energy — lines of steamers, miles of railway, great commercial centres? Secede, and secede again, but the curse and blight of Slavery will still remain! It will be a lesson to the world; it will fill a sad but priceless chapter in history; but we may well ask that our erring brethren may be spared the sorrow and mortification of teaching it. March 11, 1861
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Alexander the Bouncer. (search)
s and mercenaries of the North are all hand and hand against you. Now, Stephens, what did you mean by that? Is not Washington just as much the home of the Massachusetts man as of the Georgian? You took a pretty long journey to Virginia to persuh of honor and of loyalty. Were you at home there? And if so, why are not our New York and other regiments at home in Washington? And being there, to defend what should be the home of every true American citizen, and is to all intents and purposeseous men mercenaries and hirelings! What is the hireling? One who serves for wages. Has the Seventh Regiment gone to Washington upon a money-making excursion? HIave all these brave fellows enlisted for the sake of pay, which is about as much per sion of Munchausen stories — how Maryland had resolved to a man to stand by the South --how all the public buildings in Washington have been mined for the purpose of destroying them --how an attempt had been made to burn the whole city of Norfolk --h
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The charge of Precipitancy. (search)
n this way. No people ever shrunk from a war as we have shrunk from this. The seceding States, by the very act of secession, closed the door of adjustment in our face. The Convention of South Carolina passed the Ordinance of Secession on the 20th of December, 1860, at fifteen minutes past one o'clock in the afternoon; and since that day and hour there has not been a moment when that State would, nay, when she consistently could, diplomatize. It is true that she sent her commissioners to Washington afterward; but she sent them as the representatives of an independent State. Then, indeed, we were not precipitate enough. We contented ourselves with declining to receive this absurd commission, but we did not send its members instantly to prison, as we should have done, and as any other government would have done. Imagine three Irishmen arriving at St. James's with information that an Irish Republic had been established, of which they were the accredited representatives, charged with
1 2