hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 98 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 78 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 60 0 Browse Search
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.) 46 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 40 0 Browse Search
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2 36 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 36 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 32 0 Browse Search
Philip Henry Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, General, United States Army . 28 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 20 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Preussen or search for Preussen in all documents.

Your search returned 7 results in 5 document sections:

t Britain was concerned either as a party or an observer, the necessary documents, after the most thorough and extensive search, were selected from the Correspondence with Ministers, Agents, and others in France, Spain, Holland, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and several of the smaller German Courts, especially Hesse Cassel and Brunswick. The volumes examined for this purpose were very numerous, and the copies for my use reach to all questions directly or indirectly affecting America; to alliances,cil to the King. Many volumes illustrate the direct intercourse between France and the United States. But besides these, I had full opportunity to examine the subject in its complication with the relations of France to England, Spain, Holland, Prussia, Russia, and other Powers; and this I did so thoroughly, that when I took my leave, Mr. Dumont assured me, that I had seen every thing, that nothing, not the smallest memorandum, had been withheld from me. Besides this, I acquired papers from
counsels, he might wish secure dignity for his age. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 19 Dec. 1766. But in ceasing to be the Great Commoner, he veiled his superiority; and made a confession of the utter ruin of his health. My friend, said Frederic of Prussia on hearing of it, has harmed himself by accepting a Peerage. Andrew Mitchell to Chatham, 17 Sept. 1766; Chat. Corr. III. 70. It argues, said the King of Poland, a senselessness to glory to forfeit the name of Pitt for any title. Charles Ll the while, competing for European alliances. No sooner had Chatham entered on the ministry, than he rushed with headlong confidence into the plan of a great Northern League to balance the power of the Bourbons; and hastily invited Frederic of Prussia and Catherine of Russia to connect themselves intimately with England. But, at all courts, his accepting a Peerage robbed him of his lustre; and Frederic, disliking George the Third, retaining the rankling memory of having been deserted in 1763
lle so long as he was the friend of Bute; for Grenville, when he became Bute's most implacable foe; and for the slender capacity of the inexperienced Rockingham. The shadow of Chatham, after his desertion of the House, could sway its decisions. When Charles Townshend, rebelling in the Cabinet, seemed likely to become Minister, it listened to him. When Townshend died, North easily restored subordination. Nor was it less impudent as to measures. It promoted the alliance with the King of Prussia and deserted him; it protected the issue of general warrants, and utterly condemned them; it passed the Stamp Act, and it repealed the Stamp Act; it began to treat America with tenderness, then veered about, imposed new taxes, changed essentially American Constitutions, and showed a readiness to suspend and abolish the freedom of the American Legislative. It was corrupt, and it knew itself to be corrupt, and made a jest of its own corruption. While it lasted, it was ready to bestow its fa
assioned for war, as his enemies pretended, but because he was the friend of philosophy, freedom of industry, and colonial independence. Thoroughly a Frenchman, as Chatham was thoroughly an Englishman, he longed to renovate France that she might revenge the wounds inflicted on her glory. For this end he had sought to improve her finances, restore her marine, reform her army, and surround her by allies. Marie Antoinette, the wife of the Dauphin, was a pledge for the friendship of Austria; Prussia was conciliated; while the Family Compact insured at Naples and in the Spanish peninsula the predominance of France, which had nothing but friends from the Bosphorus to Cadiz. It marks the sway of philosophy that crowds paid their homage to the retiring Statesman; he was dear to the Parliaments he had defended, to men of letters he had encouraged, and to Frenchmen whose hearts beat for the honor of their land in its rivalry with England. His policy was so identified with the passions, t
is own palace as his mistress. In return, she adored royalty and sided against the philosophers. The power which had been snatched from those to whom by the constitution it belonged, was bestowed on her; and, in the country of Montesquieu and Turgot, an abandoned female who pleased the lewd fancies of an intemperate old man, became the symbol and the support of absolute monarchy. The king of England likewise had no higher ob- Sept. ject than to confirm his authority. The ministers ot Prussia, Austria, and Russia, were signing at St. Petersburg the treaty for the first partition of Poland; he neither questioned its justice nor inquired into its motives. Towards European affairs the British policy, like that of France, was one of inertness and peace. Poland might perish, and one province after another be wrested from the Porte, that Louis the Fifteenth might repose in voluptuous indulgence, and George the Third obtain leisure to reduce America. There, in New England, the mar