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the country as a province of their native land. Ribault determined to leave a colony; twenty-six composed the whole party, which was to keep possession of the continent. Fort Charles, the Carolina, Munitionem Carolinam, de regis nomine dictum. De Thou, l XLIV. 531, edition of 1626. so called in honor of Charles IX. of France, first gave a name to the country, a century before it was occupied by the English. The name remained, though the early colony perished. Hening, i. 552; and Thurloe, II. 273, 274. Ribault and the ships arrived safely in France. But July 20. the fires of civil war had been kindled in all the provinces of the kingdom; and the promised reinforcements for Carolina were never levied. The situation of the French became precarious. The natives were friendly; but the soldiers themselves were insubordinate; and dissensions prevailed. The commandant at Carolina repressed the turbulent spirit with arbitrary cruelty, and lost his life in a mutiny which hi
arly equal numbers beneath a temperate zone. Who could foretell the issue? The negro race, from the first, was regarded with disgust, and its union with the whites forbidden under ignominious penalties. Hening, i. 146. For many years, the Dutch were principally concerned in the slave-trade in the market of Virginia; the immediate demand for laborers may, in part, have blinded the eyes of the planters to the ultimate evils of slavery, This may be inferred from a paper on Virginia, in Thurloe, v. 81, or Hazard, i. 601. though the laws of the colony, at a very early period Chap. V} discouraged its increase by a special tax upon female slaves. Hening, II. 84, Act LIV. March, 1662. The statute implies, that the rule already existed. If Wyatt, on his arrival in Virginia, found the evil 1621 of negro slavery engrafted on the social system, he brought with him the memorable ordinance, on which the fabric of colonial liberty was to rest, and which was interpreted by his inst
de not simply from a zeal for Protestantism, was to secure him Bremen, and Elsmore, 1657 and Dantzig, as his reward. Thurloe, VI. 478. Heeren's Works, i. 158. In the West Indies, his commanders planned the capture of Jamaica, which 1655 succee In case of resistance, the cruelties of war were threatened. Let the reader consult the instructions themselves, in Thurloe, i. 197, 198, or in Hazard, i. 556—558, rather than the commentary of Chalmers. If Virginia would but adhere to the comm, after the treaty of peace, the trade was considered contraband, the English restrictions were entirely disregarded. Thurloe, v. 80. Hazard, i. 599—602. A remonstrance, addressed to Cromwell, demanded an 1656. unlimited liberty; and we may supof authority. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, p. 15. The country felt itself honored by those who were Virginians born; Thurloe, II. 274. and emigrants never again desired to live in England. Hammond, 8. Prosperity advanced with freedom; dreams
stablishments, not only on Kent Island, then within the Old Dominion, but also near the mouth of the Susquehannah. Hazard, i. 430. Relation of Maryland, 34. Thurloe, v. 486. Hazard, i. 630. Maryland Papers, in Chalmers, 233.Thus the Chap. VII.} colony of Virginia anticipated the extension of its commerce and its limits; andhority were designed. Langford, 6 and 7. Yet the commissioners were in- 1651 Sept. structed to reduce all the plantations within the Bay of the Chesapeake; Thurloe, i. 198. Hazard, i. 557. Hammond, 20, 21. and it must be allowed, that Clayborne might find in the ambiguous phrase, intend- 1652 ed perhaps, to include only taltimore; on the other, he protected his own political partisans, corresponded with his commissioners, and expressed no displeasure at their exercise of power. Thurloe, i. 724, and IV. 55. Hazard, i. 594, quotes but one of the rescripts. Hammond, 24. The right to the jurisdiction of Maryland remained, Chap. VII.} therefore,