Your search returned 20 results in 9 document sections:

Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Washington, Mary 1706-1659 (search)
Washington, Mary 1706-1659 Mother of George Washington. She is believed to have been a lineal descendant of John Ball, the medieval champion of the rights of man, who was executed at Coventry in the year 1381 for participating in Wat Tyler's rebellion. Col. William Ball, a native of Kent, came from England with his family about the year 1650, and settled in Lancaster county, Va., where he died in 1659, leaving two sons, William and Joseph, and one daughter, Hannah. William left eight sons and one daughter, Mary, who was born in the year 1706. Joseph Ball was a well-to-do planter on the Rappahannock River, a vestryman of Christ Church in Lancaster. He was commissioned colonel by Gov. Alexander Spottswoode, and was known as Colonel Ball, of Lancaster, to distinguish him from another Colonel Ball, his cousin. When Mary Ball was about seventeen years of age she wrote to her brother in England on family matters a letter which is still in existence, the conclusion of which is a
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Webster, Daniel 1782-1852 (search)
nistration, first in the House and afterwards in the Senate, of which he was a member in 1827-39. His celebrated speech in reply to Hayne, of South Carolina, delivered in the Senate in 1832, is considered the most correct and complete exposition ever given of the true powers and functions of the national government (see below). In 1839 he visited Europe, and in March, 1841, President Harrison appointed him Secretary of State, which office he held until May, 1843, when he retired from President Tyler's cabinet. Again in the United States Senate, in 1845, he strongly opposed the annexation of Texas and the war with Mexico, and in 1850 he supported the Compromise measure (see omnibus bill, the). By his concessions to the demands of the slave-holders, in a speech, March 7, 1850, he greatly weakened his influence in the free-labor States. He was called to the cabinet of Mr. Fillmore the same year as Secretary of State, which post he filled, with great distinction, until his death. M
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Westminster Abbey. (search)
self; the second was given by Queen Victoria; the next is a token of the love and honor felt for him by his American friends. It is commemorative of events in the fourteenth century. The upper circle is occupied by Chaucer; the royal personages are Edward III., Queen Philippa, the Black Prince, and Richard II.; the scenes represented are, the abbot and monks in their chapter-house, the House of Commons with their speaker, the Black Prince carried into Parliament, and Richard II. meeting Wat Tyler. The Rev. Dr. Phillips Brooks, one of Dean Stanley's dearest friends, was invited by the Prince of Wales to be present as a representative of America at a meeting of the executive committee to carry out the Stanley memorial. Coming back into the abbey from the chapter-house, give a glance at the long series of statesmen so many of whom were intimately concerned with the fortunes of America. There are Palmerston, who sent the troops to Canada after the Slidell and Mason affair; and Dis
on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between diffe
hunder. How do we justify this last appeal to arms? I always cry for peace; and the anti-slavery banner has that name upon it. We have thought to set free the millions of slaves, and the North has responded. It is in the increasing education of our people, and in that moral sense which is fast gaining ground, that we are to accomplish this. No man can prevail against the North in the nineteenth century. It thinks. It can appreciate the argument. The South is the fourteenth century. Wat Tyler and Jack Cade loom up on the horizon. There the fagots still burn, and men are tortured for opinion. Baron and serf are names which form too flattering a picture. Sumner stamped them the barbarous States. The struggle now is, not of opinion, but of civilization. There can be but two things,—compromise or battle. The integrity of the North scorns the first; the general forbearance of nineteen States has preceded the other. The South opened with a cannon-shot, and Lincoln showed himse
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
es, on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks,--can appreciate argument,--is the nineteenth century,--hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money-kings. The South dreams,--it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century,--baron and serf,--noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over its horizon, and the serf, rising, calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is between barbarism and civili
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The Purtian principle and John Brown (1859). (search)
scholarship and conservative tendency of what are called the thoughtful and educated classes. We owe this element, good or bad, to Calvinism. Then, we owe to it a second element, marking the Puritans most largely, and that is action. The Puritan was not a man of speculation. He originated nothing. His principles are to be found broadcast in the centuries behind him. His speculations were all old. You might find them in the lectures of Abelard; you meet with them in the radicalism of Wat Tyler; you find them all over the continent of Europe. The distinction between his case and that of others was simply that he practised what he believed. He believed God. He actually believed him,--just as much as if he saw demonstrated before his eyes the truth of the principle. For it is a very easy thing to say; the difficulty is to do. If you will tell a man the absolute truth, that if he will plunge into the ocean, and only keep his eyes fixed on heaven, he will never sink,--you can dem
ution. The best soldiers of the Long Parliament were country people; the men that turned the battle on Marston Moor were farmers and farmers' sons, fighting, as they be- Chap. XVI.} lieved, for their own cause. The progress from the rout of Wat Tyler to the victories of Naseby, and Worcester, and Dunbar, was made in less than three centuries. So rapid was the diffusion of ideas of freedom, so palpable was the advancement of popular intelligence, energy, and happiness, that to whole classes esying, and the Chap XVI.} liberty of conscience. The moment was arrived when the plebeian mind should make its boldest effort to escape from hereditary prejudices; when the freedom of Bacon, the enthusiasm of Wickliffe, and the politics of Wat Tyler, were to gain the highest unity in a sect; when a popular, and, therefore, in that age, a religious party, building upon a divine principle, should demand freedom of mind, purity of morals, and universal enfranchisement. The sect had its bir
to it merchants from all the kingdoms of the earth. Mechanical skill and production spread from Flanders to the free cities of Germany; and England's great Edward conferred upon her a boon, by introducing emigration from the manufactories of the continent, which has rarely been equalled by her most glorious military and naval victories. It has been justly observed that, aided by the practical arts, the democratically interest gained the first modern triumph; for while, in an earlier day, Wat Tyler's powerless rabble fell easily before the knights in their armor of steel, Cromwell gathered from the houses of mechanics and merchants those steady soldiers whose backs were never seen by the foe. The progress of Great Britain since she emerged from the middle period exposed her to the taunt of Napoleon that she was a nation of shop-keepers; but she was, and is, equally a nation of mechanics; and it was the wealth which trade and manufactures produced that proved too strong in the end for