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ad to face an Opposition Congress from the start. an anti-Republican majority in either branch of the ensuing Congress; that the Supreme Court was decidedly and, for a considerable period, unchangeably on the same side. In the worst conceivable event of the elections yet to come, no bill could pass respecting the Territories, or anything else, which the Conservatives should see fit unitedly to oppose. And yet, South Carolina had scarcely indicated unmistakably her purpose, when many Bell-Unionists of Georgia, Alabama, and other Southern States, began to clamor and shout for Secession. They seemed so absorbingly intent on getting, for once, on the stronger side, that they forgot the controlling fact that the side on which God is has always at last the majority. The early State Elections of 1860 had not been favorable to the Republicans. They had begun by carrying New Hampshire by 4,443--a satisfactory majority; but were next beaten in Rhode Island--an independent ticket, headed
es 312-13. of unanimously resolving that they would never submit to exclusion from the Territories, Black-Republican domination, etc., etc. Those who were really Unionists were apt to let these resolves pass as a matter of course, regarding them as a sort of theatrical, sheet-iron thunder, which might scare the North into greater sonvention met at Tallahassee, January 3, 1861. and passed January 10th. an Ordinance of Secession: Yeas 62; Nays 7. Several delegates elected expressly as Unionists voted for Secession. Mississippi assembled her Legislature, on the call of Gov. John J. Pettus, at Jackson; and a Convention was thereby called to meet at thepular vote. This they were finally impelled to do, figuring out a small majority for their own side. It was plain that, while every Secessionist voted and many Unionists abstained, the vote for Union and that for Secession delegates were just about equal. As made up by the Secessionists, they stood: For Secession, 20,448; Agains
ess every wrong to the extent of its power. But the chronic misapprehension at the South of any other language from the North than that of abject servility, was then, as ever, deserving of thoughtful consideration. The palpable fact that the North recoiled with shuddering aversion from a conflict of arms with the South, was hailed by the Secessionists as a betrayal of conscious weakness and unmanly fear; while the proffer of fresh concessions and a new compromise was regarded by Southern Unionists as an assurance that they had only to ask, and they would receive — that the North would gladly do anything, assent to anything, retract anything, to avert the impending shock of war. For the great mails, during the last few weeks of 1860, sped southward, burdened with letters of sympathy and encouragement to the engineers of Secession, stimulating if not counseling them to go forward in their predetermined course. A very few of the writers indorsed Secession as a right, and favored
omise was required, not to pacify the States which have seceded from the Union, but to save the Border States from following, by strengthening the hands of their Unionists. There is no point whereon men are apt to evince more generosity than in the sacrifice of other men's convictions. What they may consider vital principles, bl welcome civil war with all its horrors. It would be dishonorable in the South to accept it; and my motto is, Death before dishonor. Such were the Southern Unionists whom the Republicans were expected to conciliate, and stigmatized as repelling. and convened February 4th. in Washington one month prior to Mr. Lincoln's inau, not in accordance with the views and feelings of the Republicans, who reported and passed the bills, but as a peace-offering and a concession to those Southern Unionists who were constantly protesting that they cared nothing for the extension of Slavery — in fact, were rather opposed to it-but would not tamely submit to see a sti
d vessels, or to Fort Pickens, will be confiscated. The more effectually to enforce this prohibition, no boat or vessel will be allowed to visit Fort Pickens, or any of the United States naval vessels, without special sanction. Col. John H. Forney, Acting InspectorGeneral, will organize an efficient Harbor Police for the enforcement of this order. By command of Brigadier General Braxton Bragg. Robert C. Wood, Jr., Ass't. Adj't.-Gen. And, all through the seceded States, those Unionists who dared to indicate their devotion to the flag of their fathers were being treated with a still more active and positive illustration of Confederate amity than was accorded to the garrison of Sumter and the fleet off Pensacola. Whether President Lincoln did or did not, for some days after his inauguration, incline to the withdrawal of Major Anderson and his brave handful from. closely beleaguered Sumter, is not certain. It is certain that great doubt and anxiety on this point pervad
o man of decent understanding who can read our language had any reason or right to doubt, after hearing or perusing that document, that he fully purposed, to the extent of his ability, to maintain the authority and enforce the laws of the Union on every acre of the geographical area of our country. Hence, secessionists in Washington, as well as South of that city, uniformly denounced that manifesto as a declaration of war, or as rendering war inevitable. The naked dishonesty of professed Unionists inquiring — as even Senator Douglas, Mr. Douglas--though one of the most zealous advocates of the Crittenden Compromise, and though he, as such, strangely employed all his great ability throughout the winter of ‘60-‘61 to demonstrate that the Republicans ought to act, in accordance not with their own principles and convictions, but with his — and who talked and acted in this vein through most of the Senate's called Session, which followed — yet, when war actually grew out of the conf
it was of her Slave-trade; but it was boasted that, whereas two of her three delegates to the Convention were chosen as Unionists, she would now give a decided majority for Secession. The Richmond Whig, The Richmond Whig of November 9, 1860, hadans sprang from the cars, and engaged in a hand-to-hand fight with their assailants, being aided to some extent by Baltimore Unionists. An irregular fight was here kept up for nearly two hours, during which ten or twelve soldiers were badly hurt, a counties south of that city were overwhelmingly in sympathy with the Slaveholders' Rebellion, and their few determined Unionists completely overawed and silenced. The counties near Baltimore, between that city and the Susquehanna, were actively coon, and less than a fourth in all that major portion of the State lying north and west of Baltimore. A Home Guard of Unionists was organized in Frederick, comprising her most substantial citizens. A great Union meeting was held in Baltimore on t
whereof a great majority had been elected as Unionists, was, nevertheless, bullied, as we have seenthose who had formerly figured as inflexible Unionists were circulated through the journals, calliny corresponding action, the more conspicuous Unionists being hunted out, and the greater number silt still commanded some degree of freedom for Unionists — held at Greenville on the 17th, and wherei the iron heel of the Rebellion. Her bolder Unionists were shot down like wolves, or hung by score at Camp Jackson, at the head of 6,000 armed Unionists and an effective battery, and demanded theirevent the traitors from hunting and shooting Unionists in every part of the State where avery and tnce to urgent representations from professed Unionists and to Kentucky's proclaimed neutrality. send ten thousand men each to the aid of her Unionists whenever the necessity for their presence shordingly, and resulted in the choice of nine Unionists to one Secessionist (H. C. Burnett, who fled
Huntersville. the Virginia Convention of 1861, of which a majority assumed to vote their State out of the Union, as we have seen, had been elected not only as Unionists, but under an express stipulation that their action should be valid only in case of its submission to and indorsement by a vote of the People. How shamefully th instant, and fell upon the Rebels, who were utterly demoralized and dispersed. Col. Kelly received a severe wound from a pistol-shot through the lungs, and two Unionists were killed. The Rebels lost sixteen killed and ten prisoners, with all their provisions, munitions, and tents, and nearly all their arms. Porterfield, gatheried, reaching, on the 29th, Gauley bridge, which Wise had burned to impede pursuit. The people of that valley, and, indeed, of nearly all Western Virginia--being Unionists — complained that the Rebels mercilessly plundered them of every thing eatable; which was doubtless true to a great extent, and, for the most part, unavoidable.
ington and vicinity. in that quarter on the part of the Rebels would have been foolhardy in the extreme. Finally, on the night of the 23d--the day of her election aforesaid-Gen. Scott gave the order for an advance; and, before morning, 10,000 Unionists were planted on the sacred soil. Gen. Mansfield super-intended the crossing of the Long Bridge; while Gen. McDowell conducted that over the Chain Bridge at Georgetown; whence the 69th New York, Col. Corcoran, was pushed forward to seize the crfor some reason, this advance was countermanded, and our troops all recrossed on the 18th--Gen. Patterson remaining at Hagerstown. The Rebels at once returned to the river, completing the work of destruction at Harper's Ferry, and conscripting Unionists as well as Confederates to fill their ranks. Patterson recrossed the Potomac at Williamsport on the morning of July 2d, at a place known as Falling waters, encountering a small Rebel force under Gen. Jackson (afterward known as Stonewall ), w
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