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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 86 38 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 50 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 41 7 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 40 20 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 36 10 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 31 1 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 27 3 Browse Search
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist 24 0 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 22. 14 10 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 6 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Webster or search for Webster in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section first: Parentage and education. (search)
whenever the leaf is turned which records memorials of the astounding events which have transpired so near the close of our First Hundred Years. We by no means intimate that they alone will reflect all the glory of their period; for every scene of activity and every field of achievement has been illustrated by loyalty, patriotism, and valor, and they will long be remembered with honor and gratitude; but these three names cannot perish. To one and all we may safely apply the words which Webster from Bunker Hill addressed to the soul of its departed hero: Our poor work may perish, but thine shall endure! This monument may moulder away: the solid ground it rests upon may sink down to a level with the sea; but his memory shall not fail. Wherever among men a heart shall be found that beats to the transports of Patriotism and Liberty, its aspirations shall be to claim kindred with thy spirit. Charles Sumner was born in Boston, January 6, 1811. He was fortunate in his ancestr
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
thy agitation; the Whigs were not prepared to go so far. Neither Mr. Webster nor Mr. Everett sympathized with the sentiments of Mr. Sumner, nile men felt as profound a veneration for the majesty and power of Webster's mind, and placed a loftier estimate upon his eloquence than perhand laws of the Federal Government. If any practice exist, said Mr. Webster, in one of those earlier efforts which commended him to our admiu; the young shall kindle with rapture, as they repeat the name of Webster; and the large company of the ransomed shall teach their children, broad, formidable, and national organization. It is indeed, as Mr. Webster has lately said, no new idea; it is as old as the Declaration ofility of former friends, and the contempt of whole communities. Mr. Webster's usefulness, however, was by no means over. He was to vacate ten elected for six years, from the 4th of March next, to succeed Mr. Webster in the Senate of the United States. This was consummated in the
the Convention it was regarded as a speech for unhealthy agitation; the Whigs were not prepared to go so far. Neither Mr. Webster nor Mr. Everett sympathized with the sentiments of Mr. Sumner, nor did they approve of the policy of any such course actual culture than almost any other man in America; while men felt as profound a veneration for the majesty and power of Webster's mind, and placed a loftier estimate upon his eloquence than perhaps upon that of any other living statesman. Nor coulfluence; that is, everywhere beneath the constitution and laws of the Federal Government. If any practice exist, said Mr. Webster, in one of those earlier efforts which commended him to our admiration, his address at Plymouth in 1820—If any practicunperformed duties. The aged shall bear witness to you; the young shall kindle with rapture, as they repeat the name of Webster; and the large company of the ransomed shall teach their children, and their children's children, to the latest generati
e is staked upon your constancy; for without you, where among us would Freedom find its defenders? The sentiment of opposition to the Slave Power, to the extension of Slavery, and to its longer continuance under the Constitution wherever the Federal Government is responsible for it, though recognized by individuals, and adopted also by a small and faithful party, has now for the first time become the leading principle of a broad, formidable, and national organization. It is indeed, as Mr. Webster has lately said, no new idea; it is as old as the Declaration of Independence. But it is an idea now for the first time recognized by a great political party; for if the old parties had been true to it, there would have been no occasion for our organization. It is said our idea is sectional. How is this? Because the slaveholders live at the South? As well might we say that the tariff is sectional, because the manufacturers live at the North. It is said that we have but one idea.
his theme being once more, our present Anti-Slavery duties. The long session of Congress had come to an end; its members were hurrying to their homes to give an account of their stewardship. No man at the North, who had voted for the Fugitive Slave Law, was ever to recover his former popularity. Many of them were to leave public life forever: some with the regrets and the esteem of large minorities; others with the hostility of former friends, and the contempt of whole communities. Mr. Webster's usefulness, however, was by no means over. He was to vacate the Senate April 24, 1851, and become Secretary of State, under Mr. Filmore. His management of our foreign affairs—then somewhat complicated—commanded the confidence of the country, and the respect of foreign nations, which still left a broad field for the exercise of his consummate abilities in the public service. But it was felt then, as it was afterwards known, that his course on the Fugitive Slave Bill had been an act o
didate named, all should be thrown out. The result was as follows: Whole number384 Necessary to a choice193 Charles Sumner193 Robert C. Winthrop66 Scattering25 Blank2 And Charles Sumner was declared elected. In the same issue of that journal, the following bright and pointed editorial appeared: The mountain that has been in labor for the last three months has brought forth, and Charles Sumner, Esq., has been elected for six years, from the 4th of March next, to succeed Mr. Webster in the Senate of the United States. This was consummated in the House of Representatives this afternoon, on the twenty-sixth ballot, by a vote of 193, being the exact number necessary in concurrence with the choice of the Senate, made in January last. This will be a sore disappointment to the Whig Party, who have a plurality of some 20,000 votes in the State; but the fates have so decreed, and so it must be. The die is cast, and the Whigs and the indomitable Democracy have lost the gam
ll-bound, to the serpent voice with which he scoffed at the idea that there was a law of God higher than any law or constitution of the United States. But that moment of degradation was the last. Back came the healthy blood, the re-awakened pulse of moral feeling in New England, and there were found voices on all sides to speak for the right, and hearts to respond, and on this side of re-awakened moral feeling Sumner was carried into the United States Senate, to take the seat vacated by Webster. The right was not yet victorious, but the battle had turned so far that its champion had a place to stand on in the midst of the fray. And what a battle was that! What an ordeal! What a gauntlet to run was that of the man in Washington who in those days set himself against the will of the great sorceress! Plied with temptation on the right hand and on the left, studied, mapped out like a fortress to be attacked and taken, was every Northern man who entered the arena. Could he be bo
ll-bound, to the serpent voice with which he scoffed at the idea that there was a law of God higher than any law or constitution of the United States. But that moment of degradation was the last. Back came the healthy blood, the re-awakened pulse of moral feeling in New England, and there were found voices on all sides to speak for the right, and hearts to respond, and on this side of re-awakened moral feeling Sumner was carried into the United States Senate, to take the seat vacated by Webster. The right was not yet victorious, but the battle had turned so far that its champion had a place to stand on in the midst of the fray. And what a battle was that! What an ordeal! What a gauntlet to run was that of the man in Washington who in those days set himself against the will of the great sorceress! Plied with temptation on the right hand and on the left, studied, mapped out like a fortress to be attacked and taken, was every Northern man who entered the arena. Could he be bo
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eleventh: his death, and public honors to his memory. (search)
was not one, but he became one in the times in which he lived. By the force of circumstances he became the leader of his party. He came forward at the time when Webster, Choate, and Holt were the heroes—in Massachusetts, when it was almost worth a man's life to say a word against any of them. Now, how is it? By nature Sumner waite remarkable, and the more gratifying from an opponent of Liberalism. The Globe says: From 1850, when he was elected to the seat in the Senate vacated by Webster, who had entered the Fillmore Cabinet, the name of Sumner has been as famous in Europe as in the United States. In his own country the influence he exerted was ath oratory. There is nothing like them in the records of our national eloquence. They are wanting in the massive simplicity, the conciseness and severe taste of Webster's speeches; their profusion of historic allusions and quotations would seem artificial, but for its being the natural expression of the author's mind, and it is d
show themselves sooner than anywhere else in the men who govern. When rulers seek the furtherance of their own ends, when laws and the whole framework of Government are only so many instruments of wrong, the nation cannot be far from decadence. Sumner's love of justice and truth made him essentially a Democrat. Personally, he was not one, but he became one in the times in which he lived. By the force of circumstances he became the leader of his party. He came forward at the time when Webster, Choate, and Holt were the heroes—in Massachusetts, when it was almost worth a man's life to say a word against any of them. Now, how is it? By nature Sumner was endowed with a manly person, of an admirable cast of mind; yet he was a made — up man. He fell lately from the blow he received in his earlier career, and neither Brown nor Lincoln was a greater martyr for liberty than Charles Sumner. How beautiful to die so! The club that struck him was better than knighting him. It brought hi
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