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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
gueness and subtlety. It was difficult for either side to find out from his language exactly what was in his mind, and how far he proposed to go. The New York Tribune, February 4, took issue with Seward, and found a parallel to his course in Webster's Seventh of March speech. The New York Independent, February 7, contains S. H. Gay's criticism of the speech; but the editor a week later took a more favorable view of it. Seward spoke again briefly January 31. Mrs. Seward did not approve her the author of the first Act of the kind in his State,—in insisting on the prohibition of slavery in all the Territories, irrespective of conditions of climate and population, and its abolition in all national territory, notably in contests with Webster and Winthrop,—in denouncing the Compromise measures of 1850, and especially the Fugitive Slave Act, the immediate and complete repeal of which he had advocated. He stoutly insisted in 1854 that the Nebraska bill should be opposed, not so much a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
ow much more Sumner attended to the details of the internal tax bill than his colleague, who had been a manufacturer, but was lacking in method. George B. Upton, a leading Boston merchant for a long period, familiar with public men, a friend of Webster, and long regarding Sumner as a mere enthusiast, thus gave his testimony in a letter, Jan. 28, 1869: I neglected to say a single word in relation to your re-election to the Senate. Whatever differences of opinion have heretofore existed, or may of bills; The bankrupt bill, which has long engaged the attention of Congress, was drawn by an eminent judge,—John Lowell, of Boston. and Sumner did as much of it as most men holding his relation to general affairs,—as much, for instance, as Webster or Seward. Wilson probably did not, while chairman of the committee on military affairs during the Civil War, draw one of the bills reported by him,—all being supplied by the Secretary of War, whose proper business it is to adjust the details o<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
er, at the slightest warning of any attempt to assail or weaken his position, they came at once to his rescue. He mainspring of their loyalty is easily found; and it is creditable alike to him and to them. They had been inspired, many of them in youth, by his noble sentiments, his courageous statements of moral truth, his unconquerable will in the warfare with slavery; and when aroused, they made a formidable power, such as no other statesman has been able to command. Jackson, Clay, and Webster drew to themselves hosts of friends by their personal and intellectual qualities; but Sumner stands almost alone as a public man whose great support was the moral enthusiasm of the people. The Republican State convention met at Worcester, September 9, and Sumner's supporters were ready for the first encounter. They decided to make the issue openly upon him in the convention. This direct appeal to the people in the nomination of a senator was contrary to custom in Massachusetts; but it
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
elieve that the hero of King Charles deserved this praise more than him whom I now honor. I always looked for him to take a more active part in government, and to bring his beautiful nature to bear directly on the times. I do not doubt his powers had he been so disposed. Perhaps his hesitation may be attributed to that refined artistic sense which sought to finish whatever he touched. Many of his speeches were gems. I think they have been so called by others; and I remember well that Mr. Webster spoke with admiration of that made to the electors of the West Riding when he was defeated, saying that it was by far the best at that general election. It was a beautiful effort. While in the United States he mingled much with people, and I was always struck by his singular sagacity or intuition with regard to character. He seemed to know men after a brief interview, as if he had seen them habitually. He took most to the simple and retiring, and especially liked the Abolitionists; th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
ed with papers, lay a Bible, the gift of Mr. Seward's daughter. This book, as well as the Shakespeare and the Select British Poets, were found on his desk on the day of his death. Ante. vol. i. p. 57. In a movable bookcase within reach were Webster's and Worcester's dictionaries, Allibone's Dictionary of Authors, and Smith's Classical dictionaries. Near the door of his bedroom, against the wall, was his secretary's desk. During his visit to Europe in 1858-1859 he had secured for himsel suspect it as an invention of the Turk. I regret that there is no good sympathetic Russian minister here with whom I could confer. Stoeckl has gone home; and even he was little better than an old Democrat, with a Massachusetts wife steeped in Webster whiggery; so, we fight our great battle generally with little support or sympathy. To Mr. Bright, January 17:— Of course I read carefully all that you say, whether to the public, or better still, to myself. Your last letter was full o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
ny others of distinction. The subject as to what influence exerted the greatest effect upon men's character and acts came up for discussion. Mr. Prescott declared that a mother's influence was the most potent, and paid an eloquent tribute to the female sex in this relation. Another gentleman expressed the belief that most was owed to schools; another gave the preference in his judgment to books; another to the newspaper. He (Mr. Sumner) sat, the youngest man in the party, and watched Mr. Webster, who was apparently thoughtful for a considerable time, but finally broke the silence to declare that, to his mind, there was more to be derived from the conversation of intelligent men than from any other source. Mr. Sumner then enforced this view by reference to what had been said by men eminent in history. He referred to the declaration of Charles James Fox, that he was more indebted for knowledge to his intercourse with Edmund Burke than to all other sources of information: He spoke