Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Gideon Welles or search for Gideon Welles in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
ntercourse with public men abroad, and constant interest in European affairs, kept up in correspondence and in intercourse with foreign ministers at Washington, combined to give him rare equipment for the post. Ante, Memoir, vol. i. p. 150. Gideon Welles, in a review of political history in 1875, wrote: Mr. Sumner was a scholar, and better read on the subject of our foreign relations, international law, our treaties and traditions, than any other man in Congress. He better filled the positioter was complex; it is difficult to understand it, and it is possible to misjudge him. At the outset as secretary he opposed the relief of Fort Sumter, and continued to oppose it against the positive opinions of his associates,—Chase, Blair, and Welles. On April 1 he submitted to the President, without the latter's invitation, what is justly called an extraordinary state paper, unlike anything to be found in the political history of the United States. After saying that we are at the end of a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
confined in Fort Warren in the harbor of Boston. The Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Welles, promptly justified the capture, and only regretted that the vessel was not t, and did not conceal his approval of Wilkes's act. Lincoln and Seward, by Gideon Welles, p. 185. The Cabinet generally coincided in expressing gratification and apeign affairs,—often giving greater heed to his views than to Mr. Seward's. Mr. Welles, in his Lincoln and Seward (p. 185), says: The President had doubts, misgivinour credit and advantage; it has been made the means of our humiliation. Gideon Welles wrote of Mr. Seward later: He was always ready, always superficial, not a p desired was now near at hand. On July 13 the President revealed to Seward and Welles on a drive that he had about come to the conclusion that the emancipation of thpation. Ante, pp. 39, 40; post, p. 110; Seward's Life, vol. III. pp 118, 135; Welles's Lincoln and Seward, p. 210; Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI p. 12
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
al, Jan. 14, 1863; in Schuckers's Life of S. P. Chase, pp. 473-475; Welles's Lincoln and Seward, pp. 81-85; and Nicolay and Hay's Life of Linc(Nicolay and Hay, vol. IX. p. 349.) His cordial understanding with Welles appears in the latter's book on Lincoln and Seward. From Bates he , requested him to see the members individually. The senator found Welles, Blair, and Bates receptive to his views; but Chase remained firmlyim, that there were too many secretaries of state in Washington. Mr. Welles, to whom the subject was referred in the Cabinet, entered heartiprisals. Sumner's protests were at last effective. According to Mr. Welles, this interview of the senator with the President, and his own co subject of letters of marque and reprisal during the rebellion. Welles's Lincoln and Seward, pp. 145-164; New York Tribune, February 27, Molating the blockade,—which was under consideration in 1862-1863, Mr. Welles mentions (p. 90) the great confidence President Lincoln had in Su
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
on came when the question of reconstruction could be considered, as far as the Executive was concerned, without interference by Congress. Ibid., vol. x. p 283, G. Welles in the Galaxy, April, 1872, p. 526. and in each case he was himself the master of the officer. He was careful to reserve to each house full control over the admnserted the negro in their Constitution, and had that instrument been in all other respects the same, Mr. Sumner would never have excepted to that Constitution. G. Welles in the Galaxy, April, 1872, p. 526. This contention, adverse to national power, was not in logical conformity with his own method; and it was afterwards altogethopposite view, and adjourning the discussion to a day of the next week, when he was not to meet them. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x, pp. 282-285; G. Welles in The Galaxy, April, 1872, p. 526. Speed, the attorney-general, reported to Chief-Justice Chase that the President came nearer at this meeting than before to th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
s. He began the interview warmly and antagonistically; but at the close thanked me for my visit. He does not understand the case. Much that he said was painful, from its prejudice, ignorance, and perversity. You ask about my relations with Mr. Welles. I am on excellent terms with every member of the Cabinet. With him I had special relations, so that he was in the habit of appealing to me to carry some things with President Lincoln. He has latterly written me, complaining that I exercisede President will give way; he is indocile, obstinate, perverse, impenetrable, and hates the education and civilization of New England. Seward encourages him; McCulloch is bitterly with him; Dennison sometimes with him, and sometimes against him; Welles is with him; Stanton, Harlan, and Speed are against his policy,—so that his Cabinet is nearly equally divided. When I speak of the opinions of these men I speak according to my personal knowledge, from conversation with each of them. I do not t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
civil affairs. Thus, in his Personal Memoirs, vol. II. pp. 505, 506, he gives as an instance of Stanton's characteristic of never questioning his own authority, that he revoked at Washington, while Mr. Lincoln was at or near Richmond, the latter's order for the meeting of the rebel Legislature of Virginia; where as the revocation—a fact always well known—was made by Mr. Lincoln himself at Washington two days before his death. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. pp. 227-228.) Gideon Welles in the Galaxy (April and May. 1872, pp. 531, 532, 666) disagrees with the general's memory of what took place in the Cabinet. April 14, 1865. General Grant also stated to George William Curtis that Sumner had neglected to report several treaties; but when Harper's weekly of Dec. 8, 1877, was shown to him, which gave the record of the Senate proving that he had reported them with due promptness, the general continued to assume in an extended conversation that the senator had not reported<