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Some of the epithets applied by him to the committee's proposition, which, though short-sighted, was well meant, exceeded the measure of the occasion.
He was perhaps led to make them the stronger by the treatment he received from Fessenden, who without any due provocation descended into personalities, and pursued Sumner with unconcealed bitterness.
Congressional Globe, pp. 1277-1280. Sumner followed with a reply which was made in the best of temper.
Unlike the Maine senator, Williams, Howe, Henderson, and Yates referred to Sumner in very complimentary terms.
Sumner's substitute received eight votes—his own and those of Brown, Chandler, Howe, Pomeroy, Wade, and Wilson.
Henderson's proposition of an amendment to the Constitution, forbidding the States in prescribing the qualifications of electors to discriminate against any person on account of race or color, received the votes of the same senators with Henderson and Clark added, making only ten votes in the Senate at
e and transfer of our commercial marine, the prolongation of the war and the increased cost, both in treasure and lives, of its suppression; and he emphasized in that connection the inadequacy of the Johnson-Clarendon convention, repeating the senator's objections.
Placed in parallel lines, the passages from the President's message and the senator's speech would seem to have come from the same hand.
The American members of the Joint High Commission,—Fish, Schenck.
E. R. Hoar, Nelson, and Williams,—in their protocol of March 8, 1871, repeated these national claims, following closely the President's enumeration, adding the cost of pursuing the cruisers, and including the losses in the prolongation of the war and in the addition of a large sum to the cost of the war and the suppression of the rebellion.
The American Case,
The Case as a whole lacks the legal spirit; its style is highly wrought, not to say sensational.
Its statement of the national claims is peculiarly Davis's, as