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the wrongs inflicted during the late riots upon the colored inhabitants of these cities and vicinity, offered their professional advice and assistance, free of charge, to aid such persons in recovering compensation for the damages inflicted upon them by riotors. --Corinth, Miss., was occupied by the advance of the National forces under the command of General Hurlbut. General Richardson, the notorious guerrilla, returned to his former field of operations in the neighborhood of Hickory, Wythe, Galloway's Station and Belmont, in the counties of Tipton, Shelby, and Fayette, Tenn. Richardson had a force of about two hundred men. These were, like himself, destitute of all principle save that of self-interest. Richardson was aided by the Rev. Captain Burrow and Captain Murray. One thing very remarkable was, that each of these men once laid claim to sanctimoniousness. Richardson was once a great exhorter among the Methodist friends in Memphis. Burrow was a minister of the Cumberland
d I have accordingly already dismissed all except from Lee, Wise, Buchanan, and Wythe, to which last place I start this morning to meet General Heth, who-desires to any of 100 men; from Scott, 200 men, or about that number. I demanded 300 from Wythe, 250 from Washington, 250 from Smyth, 200 from Lee, 100 from Buchanan and McDowl, and 50 from Wise. I sent Inspector-General Stansifer and Colonel Moore to Wythe, as that is Colonel Moore's home. I sent Col. H. S. Bowen to Buchanan. The ott March, formerly of the corps, will have Company K, with 100 men from Carroll, Wythe, and Grayson, being now en route for camp, and probably up to the minimum standarter. I left to him the whole county of Bland (composed of parts of Tazewell, Wythe, and Mercer), though it was mostly in my boundary. I think I have been observary regiment constantly on public duty; as, for example, the militia regiment of Wythe, Smyth, Carroll, and Grayson, and that of Washington and Russell, should by tur
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Introduction. (search)
stage. Nay, we have the recent admission of the Vice-President of the seceding Confederacy, that what he calls the errors of the past generation, meaning the antislavery sentiments entertained by Southern statesmen, still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. To this hasty review of Southern opinions and measures, showing their accordance till a late date with Northern sentiment on the subject of Slavery, I might add the testimony of Washington, of Patrick Henry, of George Mason, of Wythe, of Pendleton, of Marshall, of Lowndes, of Poinsett, of Clay, and of nearly every first-class name in the Southern States. Nay, as late as 1849, and after the Union had been shaken by the agitations incident to the acquisition of Mexican territory, the Convention of California, although nearly one-half of its members were from the slaveholding States, unanimously adopted a Constitution, by which slavery was prohibited in that State. In fact, it is now triumphantly proclaimed by the chiefs
ce that a majority of Union men was returned to an assembly so critical. There is no doubt the Convention of Virginia was sincerely anxious by every means in its power to restore the Union. But the party in favour of secession was steadily strengthening in view of the obstinate front presented by the Black Republican party in Congress. Delegates who had been returned as Union men, were afterwards instructed to vote otherwise. Petersburg, Culpepper, Cumberland, Prince Edward, Botetourt, Wythe, and many other towns and counties, held meetings and urged prompt secession. The action of the Federal authorities was daily becoming more irritating and alarming. A garrison was thrown into Fort Washington on the Potomac; and it was observed that guns were being mounted on the parapet of Fortress Monroe, and turned inland upon the very bosom of Virginia. However Virginia might have lingered, in the hope that the breach that had taken place in the Union might be repaired by new consti
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, William Lloyd Garrison (1879). (search)
selfishness, and ability of its appeals, the vigor of its assault, the deep national convulsion it caused, the vast and beneficent changes it wrought, and its wide-spread, indirect influence on all kindred moral question, is without a parallel in history since Luther. This boy created and marshalled it. His converts held it up and carried it on. Before this, all through the preceding century, there had been among us scattered and single Abolitionists, earnest and able men,--sometimes, like Wythe of Virginia, in high places. The Quakers and Covenanters had never intermitted their testimony against slavery. But Garrison was the first man to begin a movement designed to annihilate slavery. He announced the principle, arranged the method, gathered the forces, enkindled the zeal, started the argument, and finally marshalled the nation for and against the system in a conflict that came near rending the Union. I marvel again at the instinctive sagacity which discerned the hidden forc
his purpose of acquiring the territory north-west of the Ohio. The surrender of Burgoyne had given confidence; yet Patrick Henry hesitated; for, as success depended on secrecy, the legislature could not be consulted; but a few trusty men-George Wythe, George Mason, and Thomas Jefferson —were taken to counsel, and the expedition was resolved upon. On the second of January, 1778, Clark 1778. received his instructions and twelve hundred pounds in paper money. On the next day Wythe, Mason, andWythe, Mason, and Jefferson pledged their influence to secure a grant of three hundred acres of land to every man who should engage in the expedition. On the fourth Clark left Williamsburg, clothed with all the authority he could wish. At Redstone-old-fort, he prepared boats, light artillery, and ammunition. For men he relied solely on volunteer backwoodsmen of south-western Pennsylvania, and from what we now call East Tennessee, Chap. VIII.} 1778. and Kentucky. On the twenty-fourth of June, the day of an
e hundred acres of land at the end of the war; pensions were promised to disabled soldiers and to the widows of those who should find their death in the service; half-pay for life was voted to the officers. Each division of the militia was required to furnish for the service one Chap. X.} 1779. May. able-bodied man out of every twenty-five, to be drafted by fair and impartial lot. Hening, x. 82. The law defining citizenship will be elsewhere explained; the code in which Jefferson, Wythe, and Pendleton adapted the laws of Virginia to reason, the welfare of the whole people, and the republican form of government, was laid before the legislature. The law of descents abolished the rights of primogeniture, and distributed real as well as personal property, equally among brothers and sisters. The punishment of death was forbidden, except for treason and murder. A bill was brought in to organize schools in every county, at the expense of its inhabitants, in proportion to the ge
their emigration and was the char- Chap. XVII.} 1781. acter of all their development, set narrow limits to slavery; in the states nearest the tropics it throve luxuriously, and its influence entered into their inmost political life. Virginia with soil and temperature and mineral wealth inviting free and skilled labor, yet with lowland where the negro attained his perfect physical development, stood as mediator between the two. Many of her statesmen—George Mason, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, Wythe, Pendleton, Richard Henry Lee—emulated each other in their confession of the iniquity and inexpediency of holding men in bondage. We have seen the legislature of colonial Virginia in 1772, in their fruitless battle 1772. with the king respecting the slave-trade, of which he was the great champion, demand its abolition as needful for their happiness and their very existence. In January, 1773, Patrick Henry threw ridicule and con- 1773. tempt on the clergy of Virginia for their opposition
n be conducted at all, while the powers of congress Chap. XIX.} 1781. March. are only recommendatory. Our independence, our respectability and consequence in Europe, our greatness as a nation hereafter, depend upon vesting congress with competent powers. That body, after hearing the views of the several states fairly discussed, must dictate and not merely recommend. And now that the confederation was established, he addressed himself to the great statesmen of Virginia, to Pendleton, Wythe, and Jefferson, to give adequate powers to the representative body of the states, especially a control over refractory states, to compel their compliance with the requisitions made upon them. Danger, he wrote, may spring from delay; good, from a timely application of a remedy. The present temper of the states is friendly to the establishment of a lasting union; the moment should be improved: if suffered to pass away, it may never return; and, after gloriously and successfully contending ag
ng William170 Lewis390 Logan386 Lunenburg264 Madison454 Marion729 Mecklenburg222 Middlesex35 Monongahela374 Northumberland86 page830 Patrick90 Pendleton28 Pleasants70 Pocahontas285 Preston305 Prince Edward45 Prince George80 Prince William461 Randolph264 Ritchie285 Roanoke126 Rockingham1702 Shenandoah1639 Spotsylvania90 Stafford208 Surry33 Sussex164 Taylor21 Tazewell80 Tucker159 Tyler171 Upshur130 Warren241 Wayne51 Wetzel744 Williamsburg15 Wirt166 Wise18 Wythe32 Goggin's (opp.) Maj's. Accomac......93 Albemarle......372 Alexandria......372 Amherst......78 Augusta......768 Bedford......571 Braxton......32 Buckingham......68 Campbell......256 Caroline......117 Carroll......117 Charles City......179 Charlotte......3 Clay......41 Culpeper......22 Cumberland......48 Elizabeth City......50 Essex......55 Floyd......183 Fluvanna......156 Franklin......116 Giles......111 Gloucester......18 Greenbrier......1
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