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Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 22 (search)
culapius. The king, moreover, had asserted that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and the Carthaginians had denied this without very much firmness. The senate decreed that ambassadors should also be sent to Macedonia. Three were dispatched, Gaius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messalla, and Sextus Digitius. PerseusLivy here turns to affairs in the east and follows Polybius as his source. about this time, because certain of the DolopiansThe Dolopians had been liberated in 196 B.C. (XXXIII. xxxiv. 6), reconquered by Philip with Roman consent in 191 B.C. (XXXVI. xxxiii. 7), while their status after the settlement of 185 B.C. (XXXIX. xxvi. 14) was somewhat uncertain. Perseus obviously claimed some sort of authority over them, and from XLII. xli. 14 it would seem that their disobedience amounted to actual revolt. In 185 B.C. Rome had ordered Philip to stay inside the ancient boundaries of Macedonia, and the conduct of Perseus now is in fact, if not literally, a defiance
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 38 (search)
and were heard with great and universal approval;The leaders of Epirus belonged to the wisest class who favoured a balance of power, and neutrality, as nearly as might be inoffensive to Rome, in the war. The story of how this policy was disturbed by intrigues of Charops, a young man on the make, is told by Polybius (XXVII. 15) but not by Livy. and they sent four hundred native young men to the OrestansA tribe on the border of Macedonia and Epirus; they were made independent of Macedonia in 196 B.C., cf. XXXIII. xxxiv. 6. to be a guard for those who had been freed from the Macedonians. Thence the Romans proceeded to Aetolia, and, after a stay of a few days there, while a general was being elected in place of the one who had died, upon the election of Lyciscus,Polybius XXXII. 4, does not give this leader a good character; cf. Livy XLV. xxviii. 7. who, it was quite certain, favoured the Roman side, the envoys crossed to Thessaly. There Acarnanian envoys and Boeotian exiles came to
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 43 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 6 (search)
request was also made by the people of Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds' weight,Perhaps a gift to the goddess Roma, like the similar but more lavish gift of Rhodes when in the bad graces of the Romans (Polybius XXX. 5. 4). and called to mind that they had abandoned Perseus, after a Roman army had come into Macedonia, although they had been subject to Perseus and previously to Philip.This statement may be inaccurate; Lampsacus declared itself independent of Antiochus in 196 B.C. (XXXIII. xxxviii. 3) and when last heard of (XXXVII. xxxv. 2, 190 B.C.) was apparently recognized as independent; perhaps Livy or his source has assumed that Lampsacus had abandoned Perseus at the time when it came forward as an ally of Rome. In return for this and for their action in furnishing the Roman generals with everything, they asked only that they might be admitted to friendshipApparently they wanted an entente with Rome, without the precise and formal undertakings of an alli
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 43 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 21 (search)
he Macedonian garrison which was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus. Thence after a few days he sent Marcus Trebellius of Fregellae with a strong enough detachment among the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained loyal to the alliance; he ordered Trebellius to proceed also to the Parthini,They had been recognized as allies of the Romans in 205 B.C. (Polybius II. 11. 11, VII. 9. 13, Livy XXIX. xii. 13), but seem to have come again under Philip's rule; in 196 B.C., XXXIII. xxxiv. 11, they were put under Pleuratus, the father of Gentius (not the exile mentioned above, xix. 13), who had aided Rome against Philip (XXXI. xxviii. 1-3, xl. 10; cf. also below, xxiii. 6). for they had likewise promised to give hostages. From both peoples Trebellius exacted the hostages without disturbance. The knights of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, those of the Parthini to Dyrrachium —at that time the name Epidamnus was more generally in use among the Greeks.I
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 45 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 35 (search)
ation of this: Polyaratus the Rhodran was at the court of Ptolemy; Popilius ordered him to be sent to Rome. Ptolemy sent him instead to Rhodes, but Polyaratus jumped ship at Phaselis, in eastern Lycia, and again at Caunus; then he took refuge at Cibyra, but was finally rounded up and taken to Rome. After a few days, Paulus himself sailed up the Tiber to the city in a royal galley of immense size, which was driven by sixteen banks of oars,Perhaps the one left to Philip by the treaty of 196 B.C.: XXXIII. xxx. 5. and decorated with the spoils of Macedonia, not only splendid armour, but also royal fabrics. The banks were lined with the crowd which had poured out to welcome him. A few days later Anicius and Octavius arrived aboard their fleet. A triumph was decreed to all three commanders by the senate, and Quintus Cassius the praetor was assigned the task of arranging with the tribunes of the commons that they should propose to the commons, on motion of the senate, a resolution
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, CIRCUS MAXIMUS (search)
t after the carceres the next permanent part of the circus to be constructed was the spina (see below), and that on it were placed those statues of which we have record, one of Pollentia (Liv. xxxix. 7. 8 (189 B.C.): malus in circo instabilis in signum Pollentiae procidit atque id deiecit), and others (Liv. xl. 2. I: signa alia in circo maximo cum columnis quibus superstabant evertit). It is also possible that the arch of Stertinius (see FORNIX STERTINII) with its gilded statues, erected in 196 B.C. (Liv. xxxiii. 27. 4), may have stood in the line of the spina, but the temple of IUVENTAS (q.v.) of 191 (Liv. xxxvi. 36. 5) was on one side. A permanent spina presupposes the covering over of the stream, which flowed through the circus. This came from the valley between the Caelian and Esquiline, passing through the (marshy ?) depression which later on Nero converted into the stagnum of the domus Aurea and then traversed the valley between the Caelian and Palatine. It was converted into
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, FAUNUS, AEDES (search)
FAUNUS, AEDES So far as is known the only temple of Faunus in Rome, situated at the north end of the island in the Tiber (Ovid. Fast. ii. 193-194:Idibus agrestis fumant altaria Fauni / Hic ubi discretas insula rumpit Aquas). It was vowed in 196 B.C. by the aediles Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Scribonius Curio, who built it out of fines collected from three pecuarii who had been convicted of cheating (Liv. xxxiii. 42. 10). Two years later it was dedicated by Domitius (Liv. xxxiv. 53. 4) on the Ides of February (Ovid. loc. cit. Hemerol. Esq. ad Id. Feb., CIL i². p. 210=vi. 2302 ; Fast. Ant. ap. NS 1921, 87). Vitruvius cites it as an example of a prostyle temple (iii. 2.3). It was built on the island probably because of the non-urban character of the god. There are no references to it later than those of the calendar, and no traces have been found (HJ 637; Jordan in comment. in honor. Mommsen 359; and esp. Besnier, 290-303 and literature cited).
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, FORNIX STERTINII (search)
FORNIX STERTINII an arch erected in the circus Maximus by L. Stertinius in 196 B.C., from spoils brought from Spain, at the same time with two other similar arches in the forum Boarium (Liv. xxxiii. 27. 4). These arches were surmounted by gilded statues.
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, FORNICES STERTINII (search)
FORNICES STERTINII two arches erected by L. Stertinius in 196 B.C. in the forum Boarium, in front of the temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta, on which were gilded statues (Liv. xxxiii. 27. 4), See BC 1924, 197; Mitt. 1925, 334-338, 349-350.
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, IUNO MONETA, AEDES (search)
aid to have lived on this site (Plut. Rom. 20; Solin. i. 21). The temple was dedicated on 1st June (Ov. Fast. vi. 183; Macrob. i. 12. 30; Hemer. Venus. ad Kal. Iun.; Fast. Ant. ap. NS 1921, 97, which also mentions a festival on ioth October 1 Mancini conjectures that a primitive altar in her honour was dedicated on ist June. and the temple on ioth October. (cf. CIL is. p. 331). In it were kept the libri lintei (Liv. iv. 7. 12, 20. 8), and it is mentioned in connection with the prodigia for 196 B.C. (Liv. xxxiii. 26. 8:ad Monetam duarum hastarum spicula arserant). It is altogether probable that this temple of Camillus replaced an earlier cult centre of luno Moneta, to which reference is made by Plutarch (Cam. 27), when speaking of the sacred geese that were kept around her temple in 390 B.C. Various explanations were given by the Roman antiquarians of the epithet Moneta. Cicero (de Div. i. 101) says that it was derived from the warning voice of the goddess, heard in the temple on the o
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