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ther manifestations of intellectual and mechanical aptness, led me into a train of reflection concerning a race so decried and degraded. I asked with Campbell- Was man ordained the slave of man to toil, Yoked with the brutes, and fettered to the soil; Weighed in a tyrant's balance with his gold? No! Nature stamped us in a heavenly mould! She bade no wretch his thankless labor urge, Nor, trembling, take the pittance and the scourge. From this time I became deeply interested in my African protege. He seemed keenly alive to his condition. He told me in a conversation that the colored people were all heathens — they knew nothing. I was talking, he added, with massa and missus dis mornin‘, and missus asked me, Tom what you tink of dem Yankees? Ah, says I, missus, I don‘ don't like em at all. Dey won't have nothin‘ to say to a nigger. Den missus said, ses she. Tom, don't you know dese Yankees are comin‘ down har to confisticate all you cullod people? Now, she ti
verse with the negro, and see with our own eyes the horrible treatment to which he had been subjected. As chance had it, Captain Clay Crawford himself had been a witness of all the proceedings, and upon seeing the negro so unmercifully beaten, he lost his temper, and uttered a torrent of oaths, swearing that he saw the jailor do the deed. As he was regarded, however, as a Yankee, his word had no more effect than the negro's. As I gazed upon the quivering back of that poor, downtrodden African, I exclaimed, in the words of Thomas Pringle: Oh, slavery, though art a bitter draught, And twice accursed is thy poisoned bowl, Which taints with leprosy the white man's soul! In the power of such monsters what might not we expect at their blood-stained hands? There was but one Deliverer for us, as well as the slave, and that deliverer was God, and on Him we cast ourselves, feeling that He was all powerful. Job truly wrote: The wicked man travaileth with pain all his days,
red a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose protection we had implored, and it could not fail to hold us up to the detestation and contempt of every true friend of liberty in the world. National crimes can only be, and frequently are punished, at least, in the world, by national calamities. And if we thus give national sanction to the slave trade, we justly expose ourselves to the displeasure and vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor African slave and his American master. The same fire which dictated the above, burned also in Captain Riley's heart, when he exclaimed: Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proud-spirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery, who are kept at hard labor, and, smarting under the lash of inhuman, mercenary drivers, in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even t
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment, chapter 2 (search)
loose kind of way which, like average militia training, is a doubtful advantage. I notice that some companies, too, look darker than others, though all are purer African than I expected. This is said to be partly a geographical difference between the South Carolina and Florida men. When the Rebels evacuated this region they proba-meeting, which they know only as a shout. These fires are usually enclosed in a little booth, made neatly of palm-leaves and covered in at top, a regular native African hut, in short, such as is pictured in books, and such as I once got up from dried palm-leaves for a fair at home. This hut is now crammed with men, singing at thmpressive. I tried persuasion, orthography, threats, tobacco, all in vain. I could not pass in. Of course my pride was up; for was I to defer to an untutored African on a point of pronunciation? Classic shades of Harvard, forbid! Affecting scornful indifference, I tried to edge away, proposing to myself to enter the camp at
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment, Appendix C: General Saxton's instructions. (search)
rized and instructed, 1st, To organize in any convenient organization, by squads, companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, or otherwise, colored persons of African descent for volunteer laborers, to a number not exceeding fifty thousand, and muster them into the service of the United States for the term of the war, at a ratecaptivity and murder by the enemy, you are also authorized to arm, uniform, equip, and receive into the service of the United States, such number of volunteers of African descent as you may deem expedient, not exceeding five thousand, and may detail officers to instruct them in military drill, discipline, and duty, and to command tds and plantations heretofore occupied by the Government, and secure and harvest the crops, and cultivate and improve the plantations. 5th. The population of African descent that cultivate the lands and perform the labor of the rebels constitute a large share of their military strength, and enable the white masters to fill the
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, I. April, 1861 (search)
York. Its purpose is to reduce Fort Moultrie, Charleston harbor, and relieve Fort Sumter, invested by the Confederate forces. Southern born, and editor of the Southern Monitor, there seems to be no alternative but to depart immediately. For years the Southern Monitor, Philadelphia, whose motto was The Union as it was, the Constitution as it is, has foreseen and foretold the resistance of the Southern States, in the event of the success of.a sectional party inimical to the institution of African slavery, upon which the welfare and existence of the Southern people seem to depend. And I must depart immediately; for I well know that the first gun fired at Fort Sumter will be the signal for an outburst of ungovernable fury, and I should be seized and thrown into prison. I must leave my family-my property-everything. My family cannot go with me-but they may follow. The storm will not break in its fury for a month or so. Only the most obnoxious persons, deemed dangerous, will be m
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, chapter 49 (search)
f the enemy. The packing up of the archives goes on, with directions to be as quiet as possible, so as not to alarm the people. A large per cent. of the population would behold the exodus with pleasure! March 8 Damp and foggy. We have no military news yet-9 A. M. President Lincoln's short inaugural message, or homily, or sermon, has been received. It is filled with texts from the Bible. He says both sides pray to the same God for aid-one upholding and the other destroying African slavery. If slavery be an offense,and woe shall fall upon those by whom offenses come,--perhaps not only all the slaves will be lost, but all the accumulated products of their labor be swept away. In short, he quotes Scripture for the deed quite as fluently as our President; and since both Presidents resort to religious justification, it may be feared the war is about to assume a more sanguinary aspect and a more cruel nature than ever before. God help us! The history of man, even in th
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lvii. (search)
reposed under every tree or walked to and fro along the shaded paths. From the thick-leaved branches of the trees were suspended swings, of which all, both old and young, made abundant use. Every contrivance which could add to the pleasure of the time was brought into energetic requisition, and altogether no celebration of the day presented a greater appearance of enjoyment and success. By the Act of Emancipation, Mr. Lincoln built for himself the first place in the affections of the African race on this continent. The love and reverence manifested for his name and person on all occasions during the last two years of his life, by this down-trodden people, were always remarkable, and sometimes of a thrilling character. In the language of one of the poor creatures who stood weeping and moaning at the gateway of the avenue in front of the White House, while the beloved remains were lying in state in the East Room, they had him. No public testimonial of regard, it is safe to s
nce to the laws, whether I like them or not, as I find them on the statute book. I will sustain the judicial tribunals and constituted authorities in all matters within the pale of their jurisdiction as defined by the Constitution. But I am equally free to say that the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott, case, does not in itself meet my approbation. He objects to it because that decision declared that a negro descended from African parents, who were brought here and sold as slaves, is not, and cannot be, a citizen of the United States. He says it is wrong, because it deprives the negro of the benefits of that clause of the Constitution which says that citizens of one State shall enjoy all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States ; in other words, he thinks it wrong because it deprives the negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of citizenship, which pertain, according to that decision, o
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
te man, and that under Divine law, and if he believes so it was rational for him to advocate negro citizenship, which, when allowed, puts the negro on an equality under the law. I say to you in all frankness, gentlemen, that in my opinion a negro is not a citizen, cannot be, and ought not to be, under the Constitution of the United States. I will not even qualify my opinion to meet the declaration of one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, that a negro descended from African parents, who was imported into this country as a slave is not ,a citizen, and cannot be. I say that this Government was established on the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and never should be administered by any except white men. I declare that a negro ought not to be a citizen, whether his parents were imported into this country as slaves or not, or whether or not he was born here. It does not depend upon the place a negro'
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