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etary at war. The opposition, on his resigning, had great hopes of his joining with them. But, always preserving intimate relations with George the Third, he still aspired to the management of the plantations as third secretary of state; and when Pitt spoke against the peace for three hours and twenty minutes,—for the first hour admirably, then with flagging strength, though even in his scrawls showing the masterly hand of a Raphael, and an indisputable superiority to all others,—Charles Townshe British press to unfold the danger to England from retaining Canada; and the French minister for foreign affairs frankly warned the British envoy, that the cession of Canada would lead to the independence of North America. Hans Stanley to William Pitt, 1760, printed in Thackeray's Chatham. Unintimidated by the prophecy, and obeying a higher and wiser instinct, England happily persisted. We have caught them at last, From oral communications to me by the late Albert Gallatin, confirme
miable Halifax, so long the chief of the American administration, heretofore baffled by the colonies, and held in check by Pitt; willing himself to be the instrument to carry his long cherished opinions of British omnipotence into effect.—There was tird, i. 247. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, 10 March, 1763. In Correspodence of Duke of Bedford, III. 218. The support of Pitt prevented any opposition to the plan. Two days after, on the ninth day of March, 1763, Charles Townshend came forward w admitted that the impost was odious. But where, he demanded, can you lay another tax? Tell me where; tell me where; and Pitt made no answer, but by humming audibly— Gentle shepherd, tell me where. The house burst out into a fit of laughterpeeches of the Earl of Chatham, i. 369, 370. Walpole's Memoirs of Geo. III. Grenville, very warm, stood up to reply; when Pitt, with the most contemptuous look and manner, rose from his seat, made the chairman a low bow, and walked slowly out of the
ntering life as a patriot, accepting office of Newcastle, leaving Newcastle with Pitt, and remaining in office when Pitt and Temple were driven out. The head of his oPitt and Temple were driven out. The head of his own house now regarded him with lively hatred, and one of his younger brothers had repudiated his conduct as base: James Grenville to Temple, 3 Nov. 1762. In Grenvs of his own brothers, he had for many years nourished a rankling grudge against Pitt, and secretly questioned his friendship, honor, and good faith, because Pitt hadPitt had conferred upon him the very lucrative office of treasurer of the navy, at a time when he himself was lusting after the still more enormously lucrative one of paymastd Bedford Correspondence. My nephew Charles, reasoned Newcastle, Newcastle to Pitt, 9 April 1763, in Chatham Correspondence, II. 221. will hardly act under George en the two, and continued as long as both lived; each of them, in the absence of Pitt, aiming to stand first in the House of Commons, and in the Government. But Town
reaty which he had so earnestly arraigned. For Pitt to have accepted office with Bedford would havee to the king, cannot stand; you must send to Mr. Pitt and his friends. When Grenville heard this, of Bute to see Pitt at the head of affairs, for Pitt alone had opposed him as a minister without anidesired, and long ugcontinued to desire, to see Pitt in office, of whose personal magnanimity he wasrenville Papers, II. 121. The general idea of Mr. Pitt's establishment, is asserted to have been nevccepted or approved in any one meeting. That Pitt had no good reason to think the king intended ts, the king asked him to write them down, which Pitt declined to do. Some of Pitt's suggestions weren a thorough change of administration. Well, Mr. Pitt, said the king, I see this won't do. My honor his conscience, &c. The House of Commons, said Pitt, on taking leave, will not force me upon your mwas one of the arbitrary proposals put aside by Pitt. To claim the revenue through a congress of th[15 more...]
ut into tears. Newcastle and his friends designed him as their candidate for the high station of Lord Chancellor, which was the great object of his ambition. But Pitt would never hear of it. My resistance of my Lord Mansfield's influence, said he, is not made in animosity to the man, but in opposition to his principles. Since tt and advantageous a post in the law; and Grenville felt himself so strong as to dare to slight him. Even Charles Townshend was ready to renounce the friendship of Pitt, and his manifest desire of taking office passed unheeded. Nothing was feared from the opposition in England. Who could look, then, for resistance from America? he House of Commons declared against the stamp-duty, while it was mere matter of conversation. Hutchinson, III. 116. Nor could Grenville have been ignorant that Pitt had in vain been urged to propose an American Stamp-Tax. The force of the objection derived from the want of representation on the part of America did not escape
Letters from London to a friend in Connecticut. Calvert to Lieut.-Gov. H. Sharpe, 9 Feb. 1765. Letter from a gentleman in London, to a gentleman in Charlestown, 8 Feb. 1765. It was the common council of the whole empire, and as such was as chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. capable of imposing internal taxes as impost duties, or taxes on intercolonial trade, or laws of navigation. The house was full, and all present seemed to acquiesce in silence. Yet Beckford, a member for London, a friend of Pitt, and himself a large owner of West India estates, without disputing the supreme authority of parliament, openly declared his opinion, that taxing America for the sake of raising a revenue would never do. Cavendish Debates, i. 41. Jackson, who had concerted with Grenville to propose an American representation in parliament, spoke and voted against the resolutions. The parliament, he argued, may choose whether they will tax America or not; they have a right to tax Ireland, yet do not
of Cumberland, and authorized negotiations with Pitt, with Temple, and the great Whig families, for ry could be formed out of the minority, without Pitt; and received for answer, that nothing so forme.} 1765. May 15. larity and his connection with Pitt, already began to be estranged from his brother request, he agreed to hold a consultation with Pitt. This happened on Wednesday, when the king, 16. pledge on his own part, was concerting with Pitt preliminary questions, the mob of weavers parad. On Friday, Albemarle repaired once more to Pitt, 17. but met no success. In London, the weaved the report of the questions concerted between Pitt and Temple, he said to the duke of Cumberland, nineteenth of May, the prince hastened to visit Pitt, inviting Temple to join them at a later hour. y offer. I am ready to go to St. James's, said Pitt, if I can carry the constitution along with me.ng, nevertheless, sent once more a messenger to Pitt; but he perceived that the moment was not propi
agement to act together in future; and if Temple and Pitt would only be neuter, a removal of the ministry appeain appealed to Cumberland, and through him summoned Pitt to an audience. On Wednesday, the nineteenth of Junistration. On receiving the news by an express from Pitt, Temple broke confidence so far as privately to commle, with a predetermined mind, repaired on Monday to Pitt at Hayes. The two statesmen were at variance on no nt measure except the policy of the stamp act, which Pitt was resolved to abrogate as inconsistent with right,uded, and with whom he had just been reconciled; and Pitt felt himself disabled by this refusal. As they parte desperate enough to form an administration without Pitt and Temple. Northington assured them, that they mi public life. In his college vacations, he had seen Pitt at Stowe, and been fascinated by his powers; he tookt Lord George Sackville, who had been degraded while Pitt was minister, was restored to a seat at the Council
t of our rights. We may refuse submission, or at least the stamp officers will be afraid to stab their country. Letter from Boston, 5 August. If every one of them could be forced to resign, the statute which was to execute itself, would perish from the beginning. Spontaneously, the decree seemed to go forth, that Boston should lead the way in the work of compulsion. Gage to Conway, Sept. It was already known there, that the king, desirous of changing his ministry, had sent for William Pitt; and the crowd that kindled the bonfire in King-street on the birthday of the Prince of Wales, rent the air with God bless our true British king! Heaven preserve the Prince of Wales! Pitt and liberty for ever! And high and low, rich and poor, joined in the chorus, Pitt and liberty! The daybreak of Wednesday, the fourteenth of chap. XVI.} 1765. Aug. August, saw the effigy of Oliver tricked out with emblems of Bute and Grenville, swinging on the bough of a stately elm, the pride of t
en made the distinction of patriotism, is more honorable than the plumes and the diadem of an emperor without it. Let the manufacture of America be the symbol of dignity and the badge of virtue, and it will soon break the fetters of distress. Thus wrote Dulany, the champion of the day, pleading, not for truths pregnant with independence, but for exemption from taxes imposed without consent; promoting repeal, but beating back revolution. His opinions were thought to have moulded those of William Pitt, by whom they were publicly Shelburne to Chatham, 6 Feb. 1765: The American pamphlet, to which your lordship did so much honor last session. noticed with great honor; and they widely prevailed in America. This unconstitutional method of taxation, observed Washington, at Mount Vernon, of the Stamp Act, is a direful attack upon the liberties of the colonies, chap. XVII.} 1765. Sept. will be a necessary incitement to industry, and for many cogent reasons will prove ineffectual. Our
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