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Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 898 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 893 3 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 560 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 559 93 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 470 8 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 439 1 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 410 4 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 311 309 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 289 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 278 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) or search for Charleston (South Carolina, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 36 results in 10 document sections:

ed in a parliamentary struggle to prevent the election of the Republican, John Sherman, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, because the Southern members charged that he had recommended an abolition book; during which time the most sensational and violent threats of disunion were made in both the --louse and the Senate, containing repeated declarations that they would never submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican President. When the national Democratic convention met at Charleston, on April 23, 1860, there at once became evident the singular condition that the delegates from the free States were united and enthusiastic in their determination to secure the nomination of Douglas as the Democratic candidate for President, while the delegates from the slave States were equally united and determined upon forcing the acceptance of an extreme pro-slavery platform. All expectations of a compromise, all hope of coming to an understanding by juggling omissions or evasions in
n, and that he was ready to put the hemp around the neck and hang any man who would raise the arm of resistance to the constituted authorities of the country. During the early part of the campaign the more extreme Southern fire-eaters abated somewhat of their violent menaces of disunion. Between the Charleston and the Baltimore Democratic conventions an address published by Jefferson Davis and other prominent leaders had explained that the seventeen Democratic States which had voted at Charleston for the seceders' platform could, if united with Pennsylvania alone, elect the Democratic nominees against all opposition. This hope doubtless floated before their eyes like a willo‘--the-wisp until the October elections dispelled all possibility of securing Pennsylvania for Breckinridge. From that time forward there began a renewal of disunion threats, which, by their constant increase throughout the South, prepared the public mind of that section for the coming secession. As the c
hington central cabal Anderson's transfer to Sumter Star of the West Montgomery rebellion D address Lincoln's cabinet the question of Sumter Seward's memorandum Lincoln's answer bome to the strong and unapproachable walls of Fort Sumter, midway in the mouth of Charleston harbor, emergency revealed by the unexpected news from Sumter. The professional experts were divided in opim confidentially that the military status at Charleston would not be changed without notice to the gfor the second time discussed the question of Sumter. Four of the seven members now voted in favor Union. The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a slavery or a party ina that an attempt would be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only; and that if such atte fort. The building of batteries around Fort Sumter had been begun, under the orders of Governo 10 was ordered to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter, and, in case of refusal, to reduce it. [8 more...]
clamation calling for seventy-five regiments responses of the governors- Maryland and Virginia the Baltimore riot Washington isolated Lincoln takes the responsibility Robert E. Lee arrival of the New York seventh suspension of Habeas corpus the Annapolis route Butler in Baltimore Taney on the Merryman case Kentucky Missouri Lyon captures camp Jackson Boonville skirmish the Missouri convention Gamble made Governor the border States The bombardment of Fort Sumter changed the political situation as if by magic. There was no longer room for doubt, hesitation, concession, or compromise. Without awaiting the arrival of the ships that were bringing provisions to Anderson's starving garrison, the hostile Charleston batteries had opened their fire on the fort by the formal order of the Confederate government, and peaceable secession was, without provocation, changed to active war. The rebels gained possession of Charleston harbor; but their mode of obt
n, gave the rebellion an immense advantage in the courts and cabinets of Europe. Until within three days of the end of Buchanan's term not a word of protest or even explanation was sent to counteract the impression that disunion was likely to become permanent. Indeed, the non-coercion doctrine of Buchanan's message was, in the eyes of European statesmen, equivalent to an acknowledgment of such a result; and the formation of the Confederate government, followed so quickly by the fall of Fort Sumter, seemed to them a practical realization of their forecast. The course of events appeared not merely to fulfil their expectations, but also, in the case of England and France, gratified their eager hopes. To England it promised cheap cotton and free trade with the South. To France it appeared to open the way for colonial ambitions which Napoleon III so soon set on foot on an imperial scale. Before Charles Francis Adams, whom President Lincoln appointed as the new minister to England
red moderate and prudent by the new conditions. The message of President Lincoln was temperate in spirit, but positive and strong in argument. Reciting the secession and rebellion of the Confederate States, and their unprovoked assault on Fort Sumter, he continued: Having said to them in the inaugural address, You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors, he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. . . . This issue embraces more than the fat
l with Scott retirement of Scott Lincoln's memorandum-all quiet on the Potomac conditions in Kentucky Cameron's visit to Sherman East Tennessee instructions to Buell Buell's neglect Halleck in Missouri Following the fall of Fort Sumter, the navy of the United States was in no condition to enforce the blockade from Chesapeake Bay to the Rio Grande declared by Lincoln's proclamation of April 19. Of the forty-two vessels then in commission nearly all were on foreign stations. lanted the Stars and Stripes on the ramparts, he found them utterly deserted, everything having been abandoned by the flying garrisons. Further reconnaissance proved that the panic extended itself over the whole network of sea islands between Charleston and Savannah, permitting the immediate occupation of the entire region, and affording a military base for both the navy and the army of incalculable advantage in the further reduction of the coast. Another naval exploit, however, almost at
of Antietam with energetic operations, the gradual change of early Western victories to a cessation of all effort to open the Mississippi, and the scattering of the Western forces to the spiritless routine of repairing and guarding long railroad lines, all operated together practically to stop volunteering and enlistment by the end of 1862. Thus far, the patriotic record was a glorious one. Almost one hundred thousand three months militia had shouldered muskets to redress the fall of Fort Sumter; over half a million three years volunteers promptly enlisted to form the first national army under the laws of Congress passed in August, 1861; nearly half a million more volunteers came forward under the tender of the governors of free States and the President's call of July, 1862, to repair the failure of McClellan's Peninsula campaign. Several minor calls for shorter terms of enlistment, aggregating more than forty thousand, are here omitted for brevity's sake. Had the Western victo
Sherman Sherman's March through the Carolinas the burning of Charleston and Columbia arrival at Goldsboro Junction with Schofield with which General Hardee had evacuated Savannah and retreated to Charleston could, of course, oppose no serious opposition to Sherman's marchthe capital of South Carolina, on February 16, Hardee evacuated. Charleston, which had been defended for four long years against every attacksault had failed to wrest Fort Wagner from the enemy. But though Charleston fell without a battle, and was occupied by the Union troops on tho prevent it falling into Union hands; and the supply gathered in Charleston to be sent abroad by blockade runners, having been set on fire bye or thirty thousand men, of which the troops Hardee brought from Charleston formed the nucleus; and the two minor engagements on March 16 an of Savannah, his progress through the Carolinas, and the fall of Charleston, formed an aggregate expedition covering nearly a thousand miles,
Chapter 37. The 14th of April celebration at Fort Sumter last cabinet meeting Lincoln's attitude toward threats of assassination Booth's Plot Ford's Theater fate of the Assassins the mourning pageant Mr. Lincoln had returned to Washington, refreshed by his visit to City Point, and cheered by the unmistakable signs that the war was almost over. With that ever-present sense of responsibility which distinguished him, he gave his thoughts to the momentous question of the res thanksgiving of the nation found its principal expression at Charleston Harbor, where the flag of the Union received that day a conspicuous reparation on the spot where it had first been outraged. At noon General Robert Anderson raised over Fort Sumter the indentical flag lowered and saluted by him four years before; the surrender of Lee giving a more transcendent importance to this ceremony, made stately with orations, music, and military display. In Washington it was a day of deep peac