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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,632 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 998 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 232 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 156 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 142 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 138 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 134 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 130 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 130 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.. You can also browse the collection for Europe or search for Europe in all documents.

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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 2: preliminary rebellious movements. (search)
f the people of South Carolina were not in unison with the desperate politicians who were exciting them to revolt, but another fact, afterward made clear — that months before Mr. Lincoln's election, emissaries of the conspirators had been sent to Europe, to prepare the way for aid and recognition of the contemplated Southern Confederacy by foreign powers. If we wait for co-operation, he said, Slavery and State Rights will be abandoned, State Sovereignty and the cause of the South lost forever; g to send a commissioner to Georgia, or any other Southern State, to announce our determination, and to submit the question whether they will join us or not. We have it from high authority, that the representative of one of the imperial powers of Europe, in view of the prospective separation of one or more of the Southern States from the present Confederacy, has made propositions in advance for the establishment of such relations between it and the government about to be established in this Stat
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 3: assembling of Congress.--the President's Message. (search)
tion and exposition of the false theories of religion, philanthropy, and political economy, which embarrassed the fathers in their day. . , . At the North, and in Europe, they cried havoc, and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century, our slaves have doubled in numbers, et not so absolutely omnipotent as the conspirators believed it to be. So palpable was its commercial importance, however, and so evident was it that the mills of Europe, and those of the Free-labor States in America, with their five millions of spindles, were, and must continue to be, mostly dependent upon the product of only an med:--I say that Cotton is King, and that he waves his scepter, not only over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crowned head upon that island, or upon the continent, that does not bend the knee in fealty, and acknowledge allegiance to that monarch. Th
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
id, will desire to join us. lie proposed to let them in, on condition that the Southern Confederacy should be a Slaveholding Confederacy ; Anxious to secure European good-will, the leaders in the great revolt, when it assumed the form of civil war, tried to hide this fact — this great object of the Rebellion — but there were separate from yours, said the Address, in conclusion. To be one of a great Slaveholding Confederacy — stretching its arms over territory larger than any power in Europe possesses — with a population four times greater than that of the whole United States when they achieved their independence of the British Empire — with productiovery large, and the tide of trade and exchange was running so heavily in our favor toward the close of November, that coin soon came flowing into the country from Europe in immense volume. The pressure on the market, in the mean time, of unsalable foreign exchange, was so great, and the wants of commission merchants had become
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 7: Secession Conventions in six States. (search)
conflagration of their burning cities, the desolation of their country, and the slaughter of their inhabitants, will strike the nations of the earth dumb with astonishment, and serve as a warning to future ages, that the Slaveholding Cavaliers of the sunny South are terrible in their vengeance. . . . We will drive back to their inhospitable clime every Yankee who dares to pollute our shores with his cloven foot. Go he must, and, if necessary, with the blood-hounds en his track. The scum of Europe and the mudsills of Yankeedom shall never be permitted to advance a step south of 36° 30‘, the old Missouri Compromise line. South of that latitude is ours-westward to the Pacific. With my heart of hearts I hate a Yankee; and I will make my children swear eternal hatred to the whole Yankee race. In battle, one Southron is equivalent to ten Northern hirelings; but I regard it a waste of time to speak of Yankees — they deserve not our attention. . . . We have a genial clime, and a soil of
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
d, and our fair land given over to desolation. You may have ships of war, and we may have none. You may blockade our ports and lock up our commerce. We can live, if need be, without commerce. But when you shut out our cotton from the looms of Europe, we shall see whether other nations will not have something to say and something to do on that subject. Cotton is King! and it will find means to raise your blockade and disperse your ships. Iverson prudently kept himself away from all personades, and asked: What will you be when, not only emasculated by the withdrawal of fifteen States, but warred upon by them with active and inveterate hostility? This significant question was answered four years afterward, when the naval powers of Europe had been so offended without committing acts of resentment, and the threatened civil war had raged inveterately, by the fact that the Republic was stronger, wealthier, and more thoroughly respected by foreign powers than ever. The crowning infam
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 10: Peace movements.--Convention of conspirators at Montgomery. (search)
Davis journeys to Montgomery his reception and inauguration, 257. Davis's Cabinet, 258. sketch of Davis and Stephens, 259.--Confederate Commissioners sent to Europe Stephens expounds the principles of the New Government, 260. On Monday, the 4th of February, 1861, the day on which Slidell and Benjamin left the Senate, a Coaving assumed for their league a national character, at once presented their claims to recognition as such by the powers of the earth. They sent commissioners to Europe to secure formal recognition by, and make commercial arrangements with, the leading governments there. These Commissioners were William L. Yancey, of Alabama; P.tate. Mann was a dull statistician of very moderate ability; and King was an extensive farmer and slaveholder. These men so fitly represented their bad cause in Europe, that confidence in the justice or the ultimate success of that cause was speedily so impaired, that they went wandering about, seeking in vain for willing listen
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 11: the Montgomery Convention.--treason of General Twiggs.--Lincoln and Buchanan at the Capital. (search)
o we not see a remarkable historical parallel? The conspirator continued:--Let us alone. Let me tell you, my dear cousin, that if there is any attempt at war on the part of the North, we can soundly thrash them on any field of battle; and not only that, we can give them over to Jean Jaques, and leave them to manage that. We know our strength. Why, we export over two hundred millions of produce, which the world eagerly seeks and cannot do without. A six months failure of our exports to Europe would revolutionize every existing government there, as well as at the North. All know it. The North exports some sixty millions, in competition with the European producers. Why the North, without our custom for manufactures, and our produce for its commerce and exchanges, is, neither more nor less, the poorest portion of the civilized world. To that it has come on an infidel and abstract idea. --Letter of Jas. H. Hammond to Mrs. F. H. Pratt, published in the Albany Statesman. Notwith
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 14: the great Uprising of the people. (search)
The foolish boastings of the newspaper press in the Slave-labor States were imitated by many of the leading journals in the Free-labor States. The nations of Europe, said one, New York Tribune. may rest assured that Jeff. Davis & Co. will be swinging from the battlements at Washington at least by the 4th of July. We spit the commercial metropolis of the nation from the false position of apparent selfish indifference to the fate of the Republic, in which they had been placed before Europe by an able correspondent of the London Times, who had been utterly misled by a few men among whom he unfortunately fell on his arrival in this country. This wad and retained during his stay in that city was an eminent banker, whom he speaks of as an American by theory, an Englishman in instincts and tastes — educated in Europe, and sprung from British stock. His friends, he said, all men of position in New York society, had the same dilettanti tone, and were as little anxious for the f
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 15: siege of Fort Pickens.--Declaration of War.--the Virginia conspirators and, the proposed capture of Washington City. (search)
resence of the prophecy of his so-called Secretary of War at Montgomery, and the action of Stephens, his lieutenant, while on his way to Richmond, and while there in assisting the Virginia conspirators in carrying out their scheme for seizing the Capital, the arch-traitor, with hypocrisy the most supremely impudent, declared in a speech at the opening of his so-called Congress, on the 29th of April, that his policy was peaceful and defensive, not belligerent and aggressive. Speaking more to Europe than to the Confederacy, he said:--We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we desire peace at any sacrifice, save that of honor. . . . In independence we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no cession of any kind from the States with which we have lately confederated. All we ask is to be let alone--those who never held power over us should not now attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will, we must resist to the direst extremity. On the very next day April 30, 1861. Stephen
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 16: Secession of Virginia and North Carolina declared.--seizure of Harper's Ferry and Gosport Navy Yard.--the first troops in Washington for its defense. (search)
n that day. If we lose then, our liberties are gone, and we are swallowed up by a-military despotism more odious than any now existing in any of the monarchies of Europe. The Governor was empowered to raise fifty-five thousand volunteers for the defense of the State, and, if it should become necessary, to call out the whole avaie National Observatory at Washington. The records of that office, it is said, disclosed the fact that he had impressed upon the minds of the scientific bodies in Europe that the dissolution of the Union and the destruction of the Republic were inevitable. So said the New York World. The career of Maury, after he abandoned his fishonorable. Before he resigned, and while he was yet trusted and honored by his countrymen, he was perfidiously working to overthrow the Government. He went to Europe, and there used every means in his power, by the grossest misrepresentations, to injure the character of his Government. Finally, on the 25th of May, 1865, when
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