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decisions of some of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such that you will have peaceable secession, through an immediate recognition of the separate indepen
James A. Seddon (search for this): chapter 70
hern man, or impeaching the equality of the Southern States with the Northern, let it be pointed out. The production of it is defied. No man has ever shown it, and no man ever can, because it is not on the statute-book. If it be there, it is easy to show it. If I am wrong, let my colleagues here set me right; and lest, perhaps, I may be in error, I ask them, one and all — I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker, to the gentleman from Madison, Gen. Kemper, to my ardent disunion friend from Stafford, Mr. Seddon, to all the confessed secessionists in this body, and to all such outside of this body, to put their finger on one Federal law in the least degree infringing the constitutional rights of the South. If it exist, let me see it, that I may recant the error. More than this, there is not only no such statute to be found from 1789 to this moment, but the Federal Government has been to the South the most parental of Governments. It has yielded to the South all it ever asked or demanded. In 1
Daniel S. Dickinson (search for this): chapter 70
me of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such that you will have peaceable secession, through an immediate recognition of the separate independence of the So
Samuel Webster (search for this): chapter 70
Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession outh? Alas! you hug a delusion. Peaceable secession — secession without war I You can no more have it than you can crush in the rack every limb and bone of the human frame without agonizing the mutilated trunk. Peaceable secession! (said Mr. Webster) peaceable secession! Sir, (continued the great expounder, ) your eyes and mine are not destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruff
Joseph Segar (search for this): chapter 70
Doc. 64: speech of Joseph Segar, delivered in the House of delegates of Virginia, march 30, 1861. Whereas, It has come to the knowledge of the Legislature that a large number of heavy guns, manufactured at Bellona foundry, near the capital of Virginia, under an order of the Ordnance Department at Washington, D. C., have been ordered to Fortress Monroe, where they can only be needed for the purpose of intimidation and menace to Virginia at present, and of actual hostilities in a certainurther instructed to employ all needful force to resist every and any attempt to remove the same beyond the reach and the control of the government of the State. The foregoing resolution, and others of like tenor, being under consideration, Mr. Segar said:-- I call you to witness, Mr. Speaker, that hitherto I have been strictly silent as to the great questions of federal import that have been discussed off and on during the session; but the extraordinary resolutions which have been sent
Abe Lincoln (search for this): chapter 70
are and share alike ? No law, then, has been passed applying the Wilmot Proviso. Has any been enacted abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia? No. Even Mr. Lincoln assures us that he will approve no such law, except with the consent of the slaveholders of the District, and then not without compensation to the owners. Has any law been passed interfering with slavery in the States? Not at all. Such a doctrine is not even in the Chicago platform. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward, Mr. Caleb B. Smith, Attorney-General Bates, Senator Wilson, and all the chief men of the Republican party repudiate it — none maintain it but professed and extreme Abolitionists, suver have been even heard of as causes for disruption. Patiently and meekly we bore these grievances when Democratic Presidents held sway; but under the rule of Mr. Lincoln they became wrongs so enormous and intolerable that for them we must in an instant shiver this blessed Union into fragments. But the practical inquiry here a
Doc. 64: speech of Joseph Segar, delivered in the House of delegates of Virginia, march 30, 1861. Whereas, It has come to the knowledge of the Legislature that a large number of heavy guns, manufactured at Bellona foundry, near the capital of Virginia, under an order of the Ordnance Department at Washington, D. C., have been ordered to Fortress Monroe, where they can only be needed for the purpose of intimidation and menace to Virginia at present, and of actual hostilities in a certain contingency that may change her future relations to the Federal Government and the non-slaveholding tyranny it represents: Be it Resolved by the General Assembly, That the Governor of this Commonwealth be authorized, and he is hereby directed, to order out the public guard, and to call out such of the militia as may be necessary to arrest the contemplated removal of the guns aforesaid, and that he be further instructed to employ all needful force to resist every and any attempt to remove th
Thomas F. Morris (search for this): chapter 70
w well that the first clash between the State and Federal muskets — the first drop of blood that collision spills — will enkindle a flame that will light them on to the accomplishment of their foul, hellish purposes of blood and carnage. This class would, in a mere spirit of adventure, fire the very temples of liberty, and dash into fragments that proudest and noblest monument of human wisdom — the union of these States--the handiwork of Washington, and Franklin, and Madison, and Gerry, and Morris, and comrade conscript fathers — under which we have been the proudest, freest, happiest, greatest nation on the face of the earth. This class does exist in Virginia. It exists all over the civilized earth, and it is no detraction from Virginia to say that it exists within her domain; she would be an exception to all human society, if she did not hold in her bosom such a class. Now all this class will be stimulated by the passage of these revolutionary, and force-inviting, and lawless re
the hardest times the people of this once happy country have known this side the War of Independence. I know not, indeed, of one single interest of Virginia that will not be wrecked by disunion. And, entertaining these energies, views, I do shrink with horror from the very idea of the secession of the State. I can never assent to the fatal measure. No I am for the Union yet. Call me submissionist or traitor, or what else you will, I am for the Union--as I said upon another occasion, while Hope's light flickers in the socket. In Daniel Webster's immortal words, Give me Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable. And if I may presume to tender an humble exhortation to my colleagues in this hall, I would say to them, as I said to a number of my respected constituents, who recently called on me for my views of the crisis that besets us--As Washington advised all his countrymen, cling fondly to the Union. Take every chance to save it. Conference with the Border States,
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 70
f fugitive slaves. These are unquestionably offences against Southern peace and against all good neighborhood, and they ought to cease, as I doubt not in time they will, or at least be materially mitigated; but these grievances lie not at the door of that parental federal Government, whose blessings drop upon us as gently as the dews of heaven, nor are they now for the first time existing. They existed and we endured them under the Democratic administrations of Mr. Polk, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Buchanan, never dreaming of making them a cause for the dissolution of the Union; and I presume if Mr. Breckinridge had been elected they would never have been even heard of as causes for disruption. Patiently and meekly we bore these grievances when Democratic Presidents held sway; but under the rule of Mr. Lincoln they became wrongs so enormous and intolerable that for them we must in an instant shiver this blessed Union into fragments. But the practical inquiry here arises — that which so m
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