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ir, (continued the great expounder, ) your eyes and mine are not destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface! No! Secede when you will, you will have war in all its horrors: there is no escape. The President of the United States is sworn to see that the laws be faithfully executed, and he must and will — as Gen. Washington did, and as Gen. Jackson would have done in 1833--use the army, and the navy, and the militia, to execute the laws, and defend the Government. If he does not, he will be a perjured man. Besides, you cannot bring the people of the South to a perfect union for secession. There are those — and their name is legion --whom no intimidation can drive into the disunion ranks. They love the old Union which their fathers transmitted to them, and under which their country has become great, and under which they and their children have been free and
ancient renown — to look calmly, even placidly, around her, and from the stand-point of that dignity and renown surveying the whole ground, consider and advise, and remonstrate and forbear, and forbear yet again, until every pacific and constitutional expedient for composition and safety shall have been exhausted. And furthermore: these radical measures of seizing the United States arms and seceding from the Union, are totally unwarranted by the more recent political action of Virginia. In 1850, when the subject of the Wilmot Proviso was up for consideration in her Legislature, she took a new position. She declared that if any one of four things should be done by the Federal Government, she would resist at all hazards, and to the last extremity: first, the application of the Wilmot Proviso to the common territories; secondly, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; thirdly, interference with slavery in the States; and fourthly, interference with the slave trade betwee
March 22nd (search for this): chapter 70
of War, and fully relieves the latter functionary of the charges of duplicity and falsehood so vehemently pressed by the gentleman from Madison (General Kemper) and others, who seem resolved to find in this insignificant affair something monstrous and unendurable. The following letters — which I will read to the House — explain clearly the whole transaction, and will remove all ground for panic. First, a letter from Col. Craig, Chief of the Ordnance Bureau, to Dr. Archer, of date the 22d of March, which is as follows:--You will please forward to Richmond the cannon at your foundry which has been inspected by the United States, with as little delay as possible; and as soon as they are shipped from that place, the amount due on the inspection will be paid. Secondly, a letter from Captain Kingsbury, of the Ordnance Department, dated March 28th, and addressed to my friend Mr. A. M. Barbour, a member of the convention, which is in these words:--Col. Craig wishes me to say that Dr. A
may be in error, I ask them, one and all — I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker, to the gentleman from Madison, Gen. Kemper, to my ardent disunion friend from Stafford, Mr. Seddon, to all the confessed secessionists in this body, and to all such outside of this body, to put their finger on one Federal law in the least degree infringing the constitutional rights of the South. If it exist, let me see it, that I may recant the error. More than this, there is not only no such statute to be found from 1789 to this moment, but the Federal Government has been to the South the most parental of Governments. It has yielded to the South all it ever asked or demanded. In 1793 the South wanted a fugitive slave law, and, as it was entitled, received it. It demanded afterwards a better and more stringent fugitive slave law, and it was not only granted, but the drafting of it was left to a Virginia Senator of the United States, Mr. Mason. In 1820 we made with the Federal Government a certain compact, t
ugitive slave law, and, as it was entitled, received it. It demanded afterwards a better and more stringent fugitive slave law, and it was not only granted, but the drafting of it was left to a Virginia Senator of the United States, Mr. Mason. In 1820 we made with the Federal Government a certain compact, the celebrated Missouri Compromise, with which we were then so well pleased that every Southern Senator but one voted for it, and a large majority of Southern Representatives. But in the course of time, when the wave of politics set high, and politics became a trade, we became dissatisfied with the compromise of 1820, and we appealed to the Federal Government to break up the old, and make a new contract. The Federal Government — this accursed Federal Government that we are so anxious to annihilate — took us at our word, broke up the old and gave us a new bargain, whereby the Missouri Compromise was repealed, and the Kansas-Nebraska pro-slavery act substituted. The Federal Governme
March 28th (search for this): chapter 70
nsaction, and will remove all ground for panic. First, a letter from Col. Craig, Chief of the Ordnance Bureau, to Dr. Archer, of date the 22d of March, which is as follows:--You will please forward to Richmond the cannon at your foundry which has been inspected by the United States, with as little delay as possible; and as soon as they are shipped from that place, the amount due on the inspection will be paid. Secondly, a letter from Captain Kingsbury, of the Ordnance Department, dated March 28th, and addressed to my friend Mr. A. M. Barbour, a member of the convention, which is in these words:--Col. Craig wishes me to say that Dr. Archer will be directed to-day not to remove the guns at present. The movement has been commenced, in order that the citizens of Virginia might receive their dues from the United States; and as the contract was completed, it seemed a fitting time to send forward the guns. The Secretary of War, as stated by him in letters to myself, and another member
ves, and sons and daughters, and brothers and sisters, and innocent children of Virginia in miseries and woes unnumbered, and the end whereof none of the present generation may live to see. Lastly, there is nothing in the past political action of Virginia, nor any thing in the past or present relations between her and the Federal Government, to justify the extreme and revolutionary movement the secessionists propose for her, and which is plainly shadowed in the resolutions before us. In 1798 she fixed her great general rule — that the Federal Government should not be resisted until it had committed some deliberate, palpable, and dangerous infraction of the Constitution. What infraction of this sort has been committed by the Federal Government? What is it — where is it — when was it committed? Has the present Administration per-petrated any such aggression? And if the seceding States had remained in the Union, could Congress, with twenty-one majority in one House, and eight in<
t we have no moral nor legal right to pass them; thirdly, that the seizure will be an act of war; and, finally, that the great alarm pervading the country, and the revolutionary action of the secession party in this State and of the States actually seceded, find no just warrant in the facts of the case. All this stir about the removal of the guns from Bellona arsenal, it seems to me, is wholly uncalled for. It scarcely rises to the dignity of a tempest in a teapot. What are the facts? In 1857, the Government, through Secretary Floyd, contracted with Dr. Archer for sundry cannon, to be delivered in Richmond. The very date of the contract exonerates the Government from all sinister purpose in reference to the guns. The guns having been made, the contractor wanted his money, and applied for payment. To his application it was replied, that on fall compliance with his contract, by the delivery of the guns in Richmond, the money would be paid; and the head of the Ordnance Department
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