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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 346 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 72 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 60 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 56 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 46 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 46 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 28 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 26 0 Browse Search
Philip Henry Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, General, United States Army . 26 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 24 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Oregon (Oregon, United States) or search for Oregon (Oregon, United States) in all documents.

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stating a simple truth when we say that every dispute which has existed between this country and the United States, during the present century, has arisen from the susceptibilities of the American people with respect to some supposed invasion of their national dignity and rights. The war of 1812 was occasioned by the right of search — a question which the treaty of Ghent and the Ashburton capitulation alike left unadjusted. The affair of the Caroline, McLeod's trial, the Maine boundary and Oregon disputes, and the recent San Juan difficulty, (now happily forgotten), are all examples of the boastful and offensive spirit in which successive Presidents have endeavored to assert the national dignity and rights of the once great American people. In the civil war which at present afflicts the United States the Cabinet at Washington has acted in strict conformity with public law, at least in intention, if not in actual practice. It has adhered to the declaration of neutral rights annexe
ly bound themselves, every attribute of external sovereignty is denied to the individual States, either in express terms, or by being vested in the United States. No State can make treaties with foreign powers, regulate commerce with other nations, declare war, or be represented by an ambassador, or other diplomatic agent, with any government on earth. For any purpose of sovereignty, one of the United States is no more recognized abroad, than the city of St. Louis is recognized in the State of Oregon, as a sovereign city. Nor is it otherwise as between the States themselves. No State can, without the consent of Congress, enter into any agreement or compact with another State; or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. In every manner, therefore, the States are stripped of external sovereignty, which is, by the Constitution, vested in the Nation, represented by its National Government. And not only so, but they are, in
cy in the Government thus to preserve it. Suppose the military subjugation is successful — suppose the army marches through Virginia and the Gulf States to New Orleans — then the war is prosecuted unconstitutionally. Even if there was warrant of law for it, it would be the overthrow of the Constitution. There is no warrant in the Constitution to conduct the contest in that form. In further proof of how they intend to conduct this contest, I refer to the speech of the eloquent Senator from Oregon, (Mr. Baker,) when he declared he was for direct war, and said that for that purpose nobody was so good as a dictator. Is any thing more necessary to show that, so far as that Senator is concerned, he proposed to conduct the contest without regard to the Constitution? I heard no rebuke administered to the eminent Senator, but, on the contrary, I saw warm congratulations, and the Senator declared that, unless the people of these States were willing to obey the Federal Government, they must
and in the authority of a military commander. In my judgment, sir, if we pass it, we are upon the eve of putting, so far as we can, in the hands of the President of the United States the power of a dictator. Then, in reply to the Senator from Oregon, (Mr. Baker,) he seems to have great apprehension of a radical change in our form of government. The Senator goes on to say: The pregnant question, Mr. President, for us to decide is, whether the Constitution is to be respected in this strvement is tending. It is a change of government; and in that the Senator and myself most fully concur. The Senator from Kentucky was wonderfully alarmed at the idea of a dictator, and replied with as much point as possible to the Senator from Oregon, who made the suggestion. But, sir, what do we find in The Richmond Examiner, published at the seat of Government of the so-called Confederate States? In the late debates of the Congress of this Confederacy, Mr. Wright, of Georgia, showed a t
to say it is. Mr. Breckinridge--Mr. President, the Senator from Oregon is a very adroit debater, and he discovers, of course, the great adbut a very few, thus formed and thus nurtured, in California and in Oregon, both persistently endeavor to create and maintain mischief; but thto their own Senators, every day from California, and, indeed, from Oregon--to add to the legions of this country by the hundred and the thousions that fell from the Senator from California------ Mr. Baker--Oregon. Mr. Breckinridge--The Senator seems to have charge of the whole Pilling to take care of their own State. They are. The Senator from Oregon, then. Mr. President, I have tried on more than one occasion in th. They differed utterly from those entertained by the Senator from Oregon. Evidently, by his line of argument, he regards this as an originahis war is an unconstitutional war. I do not think the Senator from Oregon has answered my argument. He asks, what must we do? As we progres