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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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Doc. 13. Kentucky's neutrality. Correspondence between Gov. Magoffin and President Lincoln. Commonwealth of Kentucky, Executive Dept., Frankfort, August 19, 1861. To his Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: sir: From the commencement of the unhappy hostilities now pending in this country the peAbraham Lincoln, President of the United States: sir: From the commencement of the unhappy hostilities now pending in this country the people of Kentucky have indicated an earnest desire and purpose, as far as lay in their power, while maintaining their original political status, to do nothing by which to involve themselves in the war. Up to this time they have succeeded in securing to themselves and to the State peace and tranquillity as the fruits of the policy th in your not very short letter, any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Correspondence between Gov. Magoffin and Jefferson Davis. Commonwealth of Kentucky, Executive Dept., Frankfort, August 19, 1861. To Hon. Jefferson Dav
Doc. 24. Jeff. Thompson's proclamation. Headquarters First Military District, M. S. G., camp Hunter, Sept. 2, 1861. To all whom it may concern: Whereas, Major-General John C. Fremont, commanding the minions of Abraham Lincoln, in the State of Missouri, has seen fit to declare martial law throughout the whole State, and has threatened to shoot any citizen soldier found in arms within certain limits; also to confiscate the property and free the negroes belonging to the members of the Me that, for every member of the Missouri State Guard or soldier of our allies, the armies of the Confederate States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham Lincoln. While I am anxious that this unfortunate war shall be conducted, if possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized warfare — and every order that I have issued has been with that object — yet, if this rule is to be adopted, (and
th at the foot of Main street. The former quartered at the Hospital — the latter took up their line of march up Main street to the depot of the Ohio and New Orleans Railroad. A sullen, gloomy aspect pervaded the city, indicative of the most rebellious and obstinate feeling. Every place of business was closed. Knots of men stood at every corner, with knit, compressed brows and quivering lips, and occasionally a suppressed cheer would arise for Jeff. Davis, and curses on what they termed Lincoln's abolition troops. The troops, with heavy, measured tread, marched on. As we got further up town women and children ran out and cheered for Jeff. Davis. The women seemed crazed with excitement. A musket went off by accident in the rear ranks. The first impression was that the troops had been fired into; but not a head was turned, and the column moved steadily on. On arriving at the depot it was found that all the rolling stock had been sent off. A large quantity of contraband supplies,
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 36. battle of Port Royal, S. C. Fought November 7, 1861. (search)
els, and even the names of them. It was founded on information received from the Potomac River, and telling them to look out for our fleet at this place. The following is an extract from a letter in the hands of one of the Wabash's men, and was read by me: Port Royal, November 3, 1861. dear brother: I wrote to mother and sister week before last, saying that I hoped to be with them at home soon, but day before yester-day Colonel Mayfield received orders to fortify this place, as Lincoln's fleet of fifty-two vessels had sailed for this port, and would be here soon. * * * We can give shell two to one, and hot and cold shot in quantities to suit. We are all ready for them, and will give a good account of ourselves to the Yankees. I will write to you next week, and give you an account of the fight, the number of prisoners, and the list of vessels destroyed. Truly yours, Harry. To------, Charleston, S. C. I must close by asking God's blessing and protection for us all,
fiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes, approved August 6, 1861, and that said act be published at length with this order. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Correspondence between Mr. Lincoln and Joseph Holt. Washington, Sept. 12, 1861. my dear sir: I hasten to place in your hands the enclosed corresponthe points of General Fremont's proclamation on which I have commented. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. Holt. His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. Executive mansion, Sept. 12, 1861. Hon. Joseph Holt:--Dear Sir: Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamat same subject, and which is to be made public when he receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the original. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln.
should offer any apology for addressing you. An issue has been forced upon every citizen of Kentucky by the edict of Abraham Lincoln. We are told that we must be for or against him. We must give our active support to his arbitrary acts, or we must which is found in the graves of his victims. Freemen of Kentucky! we have been slow to oppose the usurpations of Abraham Lincoln. We have heard his promises that he would observe the neutrality of Kentucky, and we have heard the echoed reassura, which is held up as the object of our worship? Were our liberties given us but to be trampled beneath the feet of Abraham Lincoln? Has God so stamped his ignoble brow and meagre intellect with his special seal, that we are fit for no higher usess on which it is based. We have compromised these principles only to preserve peace in Kentucky. The apologists of Abraham Lincoln have construed our love of peace into cowardice, and have brought to bear upon us the hand of despotic power. With
ith shouts, our little force of cavalry, under the lead of the gallant Captains Keys and McGhee, dashed across the river, (which was fordable at this point,) while our equally enthusiastic infantry, under the command of Cols. Mason and De Puy, Lieut.-Col. Kelley, and Major Swearingen, rushed over the bridge to encounter the foe, at the very muzzles of their guns. No sooner did the enemy perceive this movement, however, than (with their usual repugnance to any intimate acquaintance with the Lincoln men ) they immediately abandoned their carefully-selected positions, and commenced a precipitate retreat, rushing pell mell through the town, and directing their flight toward Winchester. In this retreat they were, however, so hotly pursued by our cavalry, that their two guns, and all their baggage wagons — about thirty in number — were captured before they had advanced two miles, while our exhausted and foot-sore infantry rushed into the town, thus restoring it once more to the legitima
ive, to go each in his special capacity to his special court. For if we are still to be waiters on Providence and Earl Russell, it is difficult to see why we should not be content with our original three, especially as they have the advantage of considerable experience in that line of practice. What, then, is the prospect of success? In the first place, events have travelled very fast and very far. At the North, the whole history of its tyrannical and imbecile civil administration, from Lincoln's inaugural to the last ukase of Mr. Seward, putting in force, of his own mere will, that most obnoxious of all European tyrannies, the passport system — the whole history of its war administration, from the haughty threats of Scott to the insolent vaporings of Butler — from the sullen lowering of its flag at Sumter, to its ignominious trailing in the dust at Manassas — all prove the truth of our denunciation; while at the South, the steady and orderly development of our new political life,<
nd rouses my very soul to arms. It is not a liking for the government of President Lincoln that induces all of us to stand up for the Union, but because we are a lazens generally receive as truths. Chief among these is an assertion that President Lincoln, who for the time being is our Chief Magistrate, is a political abolitionist. I hold in my hand the Inaugural Address of President Lincoln, a portion of which I will read. It is he same position occupied by Mr. Van Buren in 1832, whenfferson, and Madison, through a long period of the country's early history. Mr. Lincoln declares that he has no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with t the Government itself, and gave all their powers to sustain the latter. President Lincoln now claims from all citizens the same loyalty as was evidenced in 1832, wim without stint acknowledged that he had done right. So will it be with President Lincoln when the present crisis is past. He then referred to the efforts made
e was no accusation but of holding opinions either unfriendly to Mr. Lincoln's Government or friendly to neutrality. It is impossible to supe, or betrayed the people by throwing the State into the arms of Mr. Lincoln, to be used for Southern subjugation, or consented to the supprearrest no one who does not act, write, or speak in opposition to Mr. Lincoln's Government. It would have completed the idea if he had added,t the hands of Northern and German soldiers, under the orders of Mr. Lincoln and his military subordinates. While yet holding an important pent, without warrant, without accusation, but by the order of President Lincoln, was seized at midnight, in his own house, and in the midst oion of a just indignation while we smart under such enormities. Mr. Lincoln has thousands of soldiers on our soil, nearly all from the Northinion to approve these usurpations and point out victims? Shall Mr. Lincoln, through his German mercenaries, imprison or exile the children
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