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South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
ble, upon the opposite sides of which we were sitting, he said: Mr. Seward will allow you to write your own guarantees. I expressed my individual readiness to consent to those terms. I had been in favor of the Southern convention which South Carolina proposed through Mr. Memminger, her commissioner, believing as I did, in which I am now confirmed, that if all the Southern States met in convention, as proposed by South Carolina, such guarantees would be asked of the Northern people as theySouth Carolina, such guarantees would be asked of the Northern people as they would grant, and which would protect us, and in that event there would be no secession, and I certainly did not wish secession if we could be protected in the enjoyment of our constitutional rights, and that I believe was the general sentiment of the South. I believe I have given you almost, if not exactly verbatim, these conversations to which I referred in my conversation with you. I will add that the day following the conversation with the French Minister, a large company of gentlemen dined
Henrico (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
sympathy with or humanity for the negro, and from no love of country. In proof of this, I will relate a conversation I had at my house, Laburnum, near Richmond, with Count Mercier, the French Minister, in the month of May or early part of June, 1862. He, it will be recollected, visited Richmond by permission of the Northern Government, but was interdicted from holding direct intercourse with President Davis or any of his Cabinet, and he spent nearly two days of his time at my house, in Henrico. In point of fact, as the sequel will disclose, he was sent here (by Mr. Seward) with a view to make peace — in Seward's slang, to save the life of the nation. In the course of a day's discussion in my library, he asked me a great many questions; among others, the question: Can you whip McClellan? who was then lying with an army of two hundred thousand men within six miles of Richmond, confronted by General Lee. I told him, in reply, that I felt sure we could and would, and if th
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
the most vindictive, because he and his father had been curtailed of their fair proportions, as he thought, by not being elected to the Presidency for the second term, did not pretend to any false philanthropy or fanaticism, but put his action upon the ground that by the provision of the constitution which allowed fractional representation for all others besides the whites, the North was governed by the votes of slaves; and you doubtless recollect his ferocious declaration to Mr. Dillet, of Alabama, when he remonstrated against his abolition scheme, and said, The gentleman from Massachusetts does not reflect how much blood will be shed and how many lives lost if his scheme succeeds ; and Mr. Adams roared out at the top of his voice, Let it come, though millions be bathed in blood. Soon after Mr. Seward left the gubernatorial chair of New York, he went to Washington to argue a cause in the Supreme Court (he told me, I think, that it was a patent case), and from Washington he came to
France (France) (search for this): chapter 8.65
ithout any violation of the constitution. Let the bill providing for the gradual abolition of slavery also provide that it shall not take effect until the States have, by acts of their respective Legislatures, duly passed, approved and ratified it, which you know will be just as good as if passed beforehand, authorizing Congress to do the thing. I will not be guilty of the presumption of offering such a bill upon my simple responsibility, but if I may say that you concur with me I will introduce the bill to-morrow. He then asked me why the French Government could not deal with the States in the matter, so as to avoid all constitutional questions. I told him I had put that very question to the French Consul, and his answer was, France does not know the States, but she knows the Confederate Government and President Davis. Mr. Davis then said, Well, I must consult the Cabinet, and if they agree with you I will send for you. And there the matter ended. Yours truly, James Lyons.
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
as he thought, by not being elected to the Presidency for the second term, did not pretend to any false philanthropy or fanaticism, but put his action upon the ground that by the provision of the constitution which allowed fractional representation for all others besides the whites, the North was governed by the votes of slaves; and you doubtless recollect his ferocious declaration to Mr. Dillet, of Alabama, when he remonstrated against his abolition scheme, and said, The gentleman from Massachusetts does not reflect how much blood will be shed and how many lives lost if his scheme succeeds ; and Mr. Adams roared out at the top of his voice, Let it come, though millions be bathed in blood. Soon after Mr. Seward left the gubernatorial chair of New York, he went to Washington to argue a cause in the Supreme Court (he told me, I think, that it was a patent case), and from Washington he came to Richmond. Mr. Webster, with whom it was my good fortune to hold the most cordial relations
White Sulphur Springs, Va. (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
Foreign recognition of the Confederacy — letter from Honorable James Lyons. White Sulphur Springs, Greenbrier county, West Virginia, August 21, 1875. To Colonel Allen B. Magruder, Baltimore: Dear Colonel — I received your letter when I was too ill to reply to it, and have been since so fluctuating between convalescence and sickness as to be unable to prepare the statement of our conversation when I had the pleasure to see you at my house in Richmond, which will, I hope, excuse my delay. In that conversation I advanced the opinion that slavery was not the cause of the late war between the North and the South; that the real cause of the war was the reduction of the tariff by the compromise measures which were introduced by Mr. Clay, the love of power and the desire of aggrandizement being the real motives. In support of this view which I have always entertained, I repeated the statement made to me by my friend James M. Mason. He told me in Washington, soon after the passage
Port Royal, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
t thinks there are two hundred thousand. General Lee thinks not so many — but more than one hundred and fifty thousand. To which he replied, They are both mistaken. There are two hundred and twenty-five thousand. General Burnside's force at Port Royal is a part of the force bearing upon Richmond — sent to Port Royal merely in the hope of inducing General Lee to detach a part of his army to meet it. I am just from the War Office, and have all the statistics here, (holding up a paper which he Port Royal merely in the hope of inducing General Lee to detach a part of his army to meet it. I am just from the War Office, and have all the statistics here, (holding up a paper which he drew from his pocket); but, he added, Can't this war be stopped? Can't you come back under the old flag? I said, I suppose that is impossible, for Mr. Seward would not permit us to do so without the abolition of slavery, and it would be useless to propose that to the men from the extreme South. To that he replied, You are mistaken. If you will only return and acknowledge the flag, Mr. Seward will permit you to return without any conditions. What! said I, with the institution of slave
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
een ones, being on the opposite side of the room, the conversation turned upon the annexation of Texas, then lately disposed of, and I said to Mr. Seward, Governor, may I ask you one question? Oh, an (which, as Governor of New York, he had put forth, viz:) that it was unconstitutional to annex Texas? And with his peculiar laugh, he replied: Oh, no; I was very much surprised to see that some of caught with that idea. If you had given us free territory every man of us would have voted for Texas. (I was not one of the green ones, but was always and to the bitter end in favor of the annexation of Texas, as, by the way, Mr. Clay told me he was, with the consent of the North and peace with Mexico, when he explained his plan to me of dividing Texas into three free and two slave States).Texas into three free and two slave States). But that night fixed my opinion of Mr. Seward as a man destitute of all public principle, and I never spoke to him afterwards, except once, per force almost, in the library of the Supreme Court.
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 8.65
your pets, the objects of your philanthropy? Well, said he, I can't help that. Not very long after that the election took place, followed by the war, the more immediate agents in producing which were Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois (which State unjustly denounced Mr. Davis lately). Mr. Douglas, in the hope of getting the Southern vote for the Presidency, had, when Hon. Jefferson Davis proposed to extend the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific ocean, met him by a counter proposition to repeal it, which was carried by Northern against Southern votes; and in a subsequent discussion with him before the people of Illinois, Mr. Lincoln was the first man who brought the abolition of slavery into the Presidential election by declaring that the country could not be half free and half slave, but must be all free or all slave ; and with this idea, and with Douglas' repeal of the Missouri compromise, fired the Northern mind with the belief that the Southern people and th
Pacific Ocean (search for this): chapter 8.65
on five hundred thousand of your pets, the objects of your philanthropy? Well, said he, I can't help that. Not very long after that the election took place, followed by the war, the more immediate agents in producing which were Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois (which State unjustly denounced Mr. Davis lately). Mr. Douglas, in the hope of getting the Southern vote for the Presidency, had, when Hon. Jefferson Davis proposed to extend the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific ocean, met him by a counter proposition to repeal it, which was carried by Northern against Southern votes; and in a subsequent discussion with him before the people of Illinois, Mr. Lincoln was the first man who brought the abolition of slavery into the Presidential election by declaring that the country could not be half free and half slave, but must be all free or all slave ; and with this idea, and with Douglas' repeal of the Missouri compromise, fired the Northern mind with the belief tha
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