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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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n behalf of agreement declined by Douglas the election of Lincoln and Hamlin proceedings in the South evidences of calmnesnd the other from the South, but this assemblage nominated Lincoln of Illinois for the first office, and for the second, Hamlin of Maine—both Northerners. Lincoln, its nominee for the presidency, had publicly announced that the Union could not perm. 4. The so-called Republicans, presenting the names of Lincoln and Hamlin, who held, in the language of one of their leadocrats, if he were withdrawn, would join in the support of Lincoln, rather than of any one that should supplant him (Douglas)al to the harmony of the Union. Of 303 electoral votes, Lincoln received 180, but of the popular suffrage of 4,676,853 votwhich 362,--646 were cast for the so-called Republican (or Lincoln) electors, and 312,510 against them. New York was entitle of the popular vote, 19 of these would have been cast for Lincoln, and 16 against him. But under the general ticket system t
but among the people of the several States, many months before it was attempted. They followed no leaders at Washington or elsewhere, but acted for themselves, with an independence and unanimity unprecedented in any movement of such magnitude. Before the meeting of the caucus of January 5, 1861, South Carolina had seceded, and Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas had taken the initial step of secession, by calling conventions for its accomplishment. Before the election of Lincoln, all the Southern States, excepting one or two, had pledged themselves to separate from the Union upon the triumph of a sectional party in the Presidential election, by acts or resolutions of their Legislatures, resolves of both Democratic and Whig State Conventions, and of primary assemblies of the people—in every way in which they could commit themselves to any future act. Their purpose was proclaimed to the world through the press and telegraph, and criticised in Congress, in the Norther
of a commission to negotiate friendly relations with the United States and an equitable and peaceable settlement of all questions which would necessarily arise under the new relations of the states toward one another. Next to the organization of a cabinet, that of such a commission was accordingly one of the very first objects of attention. Three discreet, well-informed, and distinguished citizens were selected as said commissioners, and accredited to the President of the Northern states, Lincoln, to the end that by negotiation all questions between the two governments might be so adjusted as to avoid war, and perpetuate the kind relations which had been cemented by the common trials, sacrifices, and glories of the people of all the states. If sectional hostility had been engendered by dissimilarity of institutions, and by a mistaken idea of moral responsibilities, and by irreconcilable creeds—if the family could no longer live and grow harmoniously together—by patriarchal teaching
ecent triumph was too powerful to be allayed by the appeals of patriotism or the counsels of wisdom. The plan of the Peace Conference was treated by the majority with the contemptuous indifference shown to every other movement for conciliation. Its mere consideration was objected to by the extreme radicals, and although they failed in this, it was defeated on a vote, as were the Crittenden propositions. With the failure of these efforts, which occurred on the eve of the inauguration of Lincoln, and the accession to power of a party founded on a basis of sectional aggression, and now thoroughly committed to its prosecution and perpetuation, expired the last hopes of reconciliation and union. In the course of the debate in the Senate on these grave propositions, a manly and eloquent speech was made on March 2, 1861, by the Hon. Joseph Lane, a Senator from Oregon, who had been the candidate of the Democratic state-rights party for the vice-presidency of the United States, in the
9: Northern protests against coercion the New York Tribune, Albany Argus, and New York Herald great public meeting in New York speeches of Thayer, exGovernor Seymour, ex-chancellor Walworth, and others the press in February, 1861 Lincoln's inaugural the marvelous change or Suppression of conservative sentiment historic precedents. It is a great mistake, or misstatement of fact, to assume that at the period under consideration the Southern states stood alone in the assertiono the other let the cry of the Democracy be, Compromise or Peaceable Separation! That these were not expressions of isolated or exceptional sentiment is evident from the fact that they were copied with approval by other Northern journals. Lincoln, when delivering his inaugural address on March 4, 1861, had not so far lost all respect for the consecrated traditions of the founders of the Constitution and for the majesty of the principle of state sovereignty as openly to enunciate the clai
e, or prohibit it. Under the Confederate Constitution, on the contrary, the African slave trade was hereby forbidden, positively and unconditionally, from the beginning. Neither the Confederate government nor that of any of the states could permit it, and the Congress was expressly required to enforce the prohibition. The only discretion in the matter entrusted to the Congress was whether or not to permit the introduction of slaves from any of the United States or their territories. Lincoln, in his inaugural address, had said: I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Now if there was no purpose on the part of the government of the United States to interfere with the institution of slavery within its already existing limits—a proposition which permitted its propagation within those limits by natural increase—and inasmuch
ion of the latter, where the new President [Mr. Lincoln, President-elect], the great political almomen, awaiting an opportunity, either to see Mr. Lincoln himself, or to communicate with him throughMarch 12—eight days after the inauguration of Lincoln—the two commissioners then present, Forsyth astration, sent for me to tender the same to Mr. Lincoln, informing me that Lieutenant-General Scott at Washington, his plan was approved by President Lincoln, and he was sent to New York to make arr, Colonel Lamon, was sent by the President [Mr. Lincoln], who informed me that he had come to try apublications made since the war by members of Lincoln's cabinet, it has been represented that durin, during this whole period of nearly a month, Lincoln was ignorant of the communications that were deon Welles, who was Secretary of the Navy in Lincoln's cabinet, gives the following account of oneo fit out an expedition to forward supplies. Lincoln and Seward, New York, 1874, pp. 57, 58. The i
lligent and patriotic of its own friends during the period of the events which constitute the subject of the preceding chapter. In the Senate of the United States, which continued in executive session for several weeks after the inauguration of Lincoln, it was the subject of discussion. Douglass of Illinois—who was certainly not suspected of sympathy with secession, or lack of devotion to the Union—on March 15th offered a resolution recommending the withdrawal of the garrisons from all forts n General Beauregard in this emergency may be inferred from the ensuing correspondence, which is here reproduced from contemporary publications: Charleston, April 8th. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War. An authorized messenger from President Lincoln just informed Governor Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. (Signed) G. T. Beauregard. General G. T. Beauregard Montgomery, April 10th. General G. T. Beauregard, Charl
Major Anderson's view, and that of a naval officer Horace Greeley on the Fort Sumter case the bombardment and surrender gallant action of ex-senator Wigfall Lincoln's statement of the case. Here, in the brief hour immediately before the outburst of the long-gathering storm, although it can hardly be necessary for the readee allowed on deck except our own crew. but this was thwarted by the vigilance of the state service. The protracted course of fraud and prevarication practiced by Lincoln's administration in the months of March and April has been fully exhibited. It was evident that no confidence whatever could be reposed in any pledge or promise the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. Lincoln well knew that, if the brave men of the garrison were hungry, they had only him and his trusted advisers to thank for it. They had been kept for months in a plac
ion action of the Confederate Government bombardment and surrender of Fort Sumter its reduction required by the exigency of the case disguise thrown off President Lincoln's call for seventy-five thousand men his fiction of combinations palpable violation of the Constitution action of Virginia of citizens of Baltimore the f an army and navy to attack was the result to have been anticipated as the consequence of such delaration of war. On the fifteenth day of the same month, President Lincoln, introducing his farce of combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, called forth the military of the severalthe Union, to the establishment of which she had so largely contributed. Two days had elapsed between the surrender of Fort Sumter and the proclamation of President Lincoln calling for seventy-five thousand militia as before stated. Two other days elapsed, and Virginia passed her ordinance of secession, and two days thereafter
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