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ngness on the part of their associates of the opposition; he pressed the point that, as they had rejected every overture made by the friends of peace, it was now incumbent upon them to make a positive and affirmative declaration of their purpose.
Seward of New York, as we have seen, was a member of that committee—the man who, in 1858, had announced the irrepressible conflict, and who, in the same year, speaking of and for abolitionism, had said: It has driven you back in California and in Kansas; it will invade your soil.
He was to be the Secretary of State in the incoming administration, and was very generally regarded as the power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself.
He was present in the Senate, but made no response to Douglas's demand for a declaration of policy.
Meantime the efforts for an adjustment made in the House of Representatives had been equally fruitless.
Conspicuous among these efforts had been the appointment of a committee of thirty-three members
that fallacy exploded.
It has been more speedily, and, to the country, more injuriously than I anticipated.
In the mean time, what has been its operations?
Let Kansas speak—the first great field on which the trial was made.
What was then the consequence?
The Federal Government withdrawing control, leaving the contending sections, excited to the highest point upon this question, each to send forth its army, Kansas became the battle-field, and Kansas the cry, which well nigh led to civil war. This was the first fruit.
More deadly than the fatal upas, its effect was not limited to the mere spot of ground on which the dew fell from its leaves, but it sprKansas the cry, which well nigh led to civil war. This was the first fruit.
More deadly than the fatal upas, its effect was not limited to the mere spot of ground on which the dew fell from its leaves, but it spread throughout the United States; it kindled all which had been collected for years of inflammable material.
It was owing to the strength of our Government and the good sense of the quiet masses of the people that it did not wrap our country in one widespread conflagration.
What right had Congress then, or what right has it no
ence with Davis, 307-09.
Judiciary (Federal). Decision in Dred Scott case, 70-71.
Kane, George P., 290.
Kansas, 12, 23, 24, 31. Settlement, 26, 27.
Speech of Davis on President's message relative to Lecompton constitution, 465-69.
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 23, 24-25, 33, 71.
Kearsarge (ship), 408.
Keitt, Col. Lawrence M., 206.
Kelley, General, 392.
Kennedy, —, 292.
Kenner, Duncan F. Extract from letter concerning Davis, 205.
Lay, Colonel, 329. Col. John F., 305.
Extracts from reminiscences of Bull Run, 329.
Lecompton constitution of Kansas, 465.
Lee, Henry (Light-Horse Harry), 147.
Richard Henry, 104. Gen. Robert Edward, 294, 295, 320, 382, 389, 443.
Rion, 1, 71.
Moral considerations, 1, 3-4.
Importation prohibited, 2-3.
Abolition petition, 2, 29.
Extension, 4, 5; to Kansas and Nebraska, 26.
Occasion but not cause of conflict, 65-66.
Summary up to 1860, 66.
Under control of states, 67.